24 May Election,,, Delays Stable, Secure and Democratic Future

undemocratic and  fake election

Almost 37 million Ethiopians had registered to cast their ballots in Ethiopia’s parliamentary and regional elections which took place on Sunday 24 May 2015. Although the results will only be announced in June, history shows that the only winner will be the long-ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), led by incumbent Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn: the party is expected to “win” nearly all – if not all – of the 547 seats in parliament and thus form the Government. Since 2005 the EPRDF has engaged in repressing any dissent and political opposition in Ethiopia, cracking down on independent media and civil society organizations, while charging government critics under harsh anti-terrorism laws. This has left the country without any viable counter voice to the ruling party and resulted in highly controlled political participation – something which according to the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and Sidama Liberation Front (SLF) is reflected in Sunday’s “fake” election.

In 2010, the EPRDF won 99.6% of the parliamentary seats, with various election observation missions (EOMs), including that of the European Union, saying the election was marred by intimidations and harassment of opposition activists. Human Rights Watch stated that the victory was the “culmination of the government’s five-year strategy of systematically closing down space for political dissent and independent criticism.” Such allegations were repeated on the occasion of this year’s election, which was the first since the death of former PM Meles Zenawi, the man who transformed the EPRDF into a powerful political organisation, while completely disregarding international standards for democratic governance and respect for human rights. The government has denied any allegations of misconduct and accused the opposition, as well as its archenemy Eritrea, of plotting a disruption of the vote. Just before the elections, PM Desalegn claimed: “We remain vigilant and confident that the general election will be peaceful, free and fair, notwithstanding destabilisation attempts that may be tried by Eritrea or its local emissaries, which we will respond to with stern measures.”

The National Election Board of Ethiopia claims that the environment created for political parties this year was exceptional. However, the only international body present to monitor the electoral process was the African Union, the headquarters of which is based in Addis Abeba. The European Union and the United States, which monitored the 2005 and 2010 elections, did not participated this time, and their recommendations from the previous years remain largely ignored. It should also be noted that already before the Election Day, human rights groups claimed on Saturday 23 May that the polls could not be free or fair due to a lack of freedom of speech and participation by independent media.

According to Al Jazeera, the voting process itself was smooth but the fractured opposition has complained of irregularities in the run-up to the election and of harassment and intimidation of their supporters. Furthermore, opposition groups also complained that several of their members were detained. Despite all these allegations, on the day of the election, the African Union’s EOM stated that the electoral process was held in an “orderly manner”. The polls closed at 6 pm on Sunday, but the final results will only be released by the National Electoral Board after 22 June 2015.

In a joint statement released the day after the elections, the Ogaden National Liberation Front, the Oromo Liberation Front and the Sidama Liberation Front put forth that the elections were not an expression of the democratic will of all the people, and that the preparation, the process and the final results of this election were and will be intentionally flawed. Therefore, according to international standards, the election process cannot be considered free, fair and impartial. The three liberation fronts also argue that is not an accident that the international community opted out of observing this election, and instead purposely kept away to avoid legitimising this fake exercise of democracy. 

With limited independent press, Ethiopians left voting in the dark

With limited independent press, Ethiopians left voting in the dark

On Sunday Ethiopians go to the polls in the country's fifth general election since the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front came to power more than 20 years ago. Citizens are expected to choose the right party to lead them for the next five years. To do so, they need to have a clear understanding of their country's political, social, and economic situation. They need to know which parties have the candidates and policies best suited to their own hopes and aspirations. But in a country with limited independent media, many Ethiopians struggle to find the information needed to help them make informed decisions.

A number of human right reports showed 2014 as the most dangerous year for the Ethiopian press, with government attacks on the media starting a year before the election. It appeared that government forces were purposely clearing the media out of the way. Seventeen journalists are currently in prison, most of them facing terrorism charges, and more than 30 have been forced into exile, according to CPJ research. This makes Ethiopia the second-worst jailer of journalists in Africa, after Eritrea.

Five independent magazines and one weekly newspaper were charged last year with publishing false information, inciting violence, and undermining public confidence in the government, according to CPJ research. The charges highlighted the narrowed media space, and led to the closure of several more outlets out of fear that they may face the same fate.

Ethiopia is the fourth most censored country in the world, according to CPJ. Besides state-run publications, only a handful of privately owned publications remain in the country and, according to a couple of Ethiopian journalists I spoke to, they operate under heavy self-censorship. Because of financial constraints caused by paper and printing costs, nearly all independent publications circulate only in the capital, Addis Ababa. This leaves the majority of the population dependent on the state-run TV and radio stations.

Based on my own experiences, and that of fellow journalists in Ethiopia, who asked not to be named out of security concerns, journalists work in fear of the government's reaction to what they say and write. They make sure no word they put down on paper and no word they speak will buy them a ticket to the prisons where their friends are held. Covering the election makes journalists feel even more unsafe. It exposes them to such levels of harassment that they even fear moving around the city alone, I was told.

Digital media is a new platform in Ethiopia. While Internet penetration remains under 2 per cent, according to Freedom House figures, the number of social media users has been growing rapidly. However, the arrest of the Zone 9 bloggers for their social media activity one year ago, served as a warning among the online community not to openly criticize the government, I was told.

 limited independent press

Fear dominates not only journalists but also any citizen who is unhappy with the government and wishes to criticize its policies. After the 2005 election, which was comparatively open but, according to reports, ended with violence and killings, the government appears to have little tolerance for criticism. In the 2010 election five years later, that fear appeared to linger, with few reports of anyone saying they planned to vote for the opposition. This will be a challenge for local and international journalists covering the election this weekend. It will not be easy to find anyone willing to admit publicly that they voted against the ruling party.

The African Union (AU) will be the only international body monitoring the election, according to reports. Its purpose is to observe, collect and analyze data from the lead-up to the post-election period. In a statement, the AU said its observation will be in line with AU policy and other international instruments, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and that its observers will remain independent and objective.

However, according to journalists I spoke to, the sole presence of the AU does not make Ethiopia's press feel protected. Most said they believe the AU or ambassadors will reflect only what the ruling party wants them to say. Others said they do not think they will be able to get fair and balanced comments, even from independent bodies.

The press plays an important role in the electoral process. It provides a platform for political parties and candidates to present their manifestos. The press also allows citizens to express their opinions and needs, so that they can be a part of the democratic process. When such a platform is denied, citizens are left out of the process. This is not democracy.

This is the malady from which Ethiopia suffers. People are deprived of any explanation of their country's situation, their government expects them to feed only on what they are given through state media. This makes citizens into mere spectators to the "development" about which the government proudly preaches, instead of

OLF Statement: The Ethiopian sham election serves only the dictatorial government

The Ethiopian sham election serves only the dictatorial government

The Tigray dictatorial ruling class was built on excessive military power. The regime indulged the country into extreme poverty. The corruption of the ruling class was one of the main machinery that put the country into the highest level of economic inequalities where the few members of the ruling class became the richest and the majority of the citizens are unable to even earn their daily bread. This high level of inequality resulted into absolute poverty, migration and loss of lives of hundreds of thousands of people. Today hundreds of thousands of Ethiopian people are living in hunger and insecurity in their own country. Some are cherished in Sahara desert and Mediterranean Sea while they were trying to escape from unfair and abusive government.

For the last 24 years, since the Tigray ruling class came to power, the corruption, displacement of people and human rights abuses have increased with the tremendous speed. This misery darken the political space and eradicated people’s hope for democracy. The Ethiopian people have been denied political freedom and rights of expression of their opinions. In this current regime, it is a crime to have different political opinion rather than supporting the Tigray ruling class’s party. The Ethiopian regime recorded highest level of Human rights abuses, killings, and intimidations not only in African continent but also in the world.

The Tigray ruling class came to power with military force; it has built its dictatorial regime on military power and will continue to do so. One party dictatorship rule was the vision they had from the very beginning. They proved their vision within the last 24 years. In the future, they want to rule Ethiopia under one party dictatorship rule. The Tigray ruling class never listened to the Ethiopian people, nor willing to listen in the future. The responses to peoples’ questions were imprisonments, tortures and killings.

The main priority for the Tigray ruling class is to stay on power. One of the strategy they designed to stay on power is to carry out fake election every five years. The last four elections proved that the ruling class is the most dictatorial regime on the planet. This 5th election that will take place on May 24, 2015 is not different from the previous elections. This election will not make any change to the political system and democracy in the country but it is only to renew the power of the ruling class for the next 5 years. This election is not democratic and not expected to fulfil the interest of the Ethiopian people. The election board is established by the current ruling class; the so called participating political parties are not treated fairly; the members of the opposition parties are arrested, harassed and beaten; the election process do not follow the democratic principle. Therefore, one can easily to judge the outcome of such unfair and sham election.

Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoo Haala Gaanfa Aafrikaa Ammaa Keessatti: Akkamitti Rakkoolee Nu Muudatan Jalaa Ba’uu Dandeenya?

 Ummata Oromoo bal’aa, HD ABO Jaal Daawud Ibsaa, Jaal Dhugaasaa Bakakkoo, Jaallan dirree lolaa jirtan, Qeerroo bilisummaa akkasumas firoottaniif deeggaroonni ummata Oromoo, dursee baga Guyyaa Gootota Oromoo kan 2015tiin sin gahen jedha. Guyyoota Oromoon ayyaaneeffatu/yaadatu keessa guuyyaan GGOn guyyaa guyyaawwan caaluuufi guyyaa kabaja olaaana qabu. Ummanni of kabajuufi mirga ofii barbaadu kamuu gootota isaas kabajee kaayyoo isaan eegalan galmaan ga’uun dirqama Oromummaati. Guuyyaa kana guyyaa olaanaafi kabajamaa kan godhe wareegama isa dhumaa, wareegama lubbuu kaffaluu gootota Oromooti. Lubbuu ofii caalaa keenaan olaanaafi kabjamaan namini nuufi ummata keenyaaf kennuu danda’u addunyaa kanarra hinjiru. Kanaaf gootota keenya niyaadanna; nimararfanna.

Otoon baay’ee hinturin matadureen irratti dubbadhu keessa galuun barbaada. Obsaan na dhaggeeffadhaa. Akkuma matadureen koo eeru, waa’ee Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoo Ammaantanaa Haala Gaanfa Afrikaa Ammaantanaa wajjin wal qabsiiseen irratti dubbadha. Haasaan kiyya gaaffilee armaan gadii tarraa’aniif deebilee amma danda’amu laachuu yaala.

• Oromoon yeroo amma maal keessa jira?
• Rakkoolee naannoo, idil-addunyaafi rakkoolee keessa isaa jiran keessaa umna jabaa ta’ee ba’uuf Oromoon maalfaa gochuu qabaata?
• Goonni Oromoo jaarraa 19ffaa gara duraa Madaqoon waa’ee ijaaramuufi kutannoon falmmachuu maal nu barsiisa?
• Haqa/dhugaa otoo qabinuu maaliif himachuu dhadhabine?
• Sababii gargaraan, walqooduu baalleessuun tokkummaa akkamitti cimsanna?
Yeroo amma kana ummanni Oromoo rakkoo guddaan inni keessa jiru rakkoo gabrummaa jireenya isaa gaaffii keessa galchee jiru keessa. Lafinni qotee bulaa Oromoo heekitaara miliyoonotaan umna qaweetiin irra fudhatame maqaaa invatmentiitiin abbootii qabeenyaa Habashaafi kan biyya alaatiif kennama jira. Qoteebulaan Oromoo, miliyoonotaan lakkaa’amu Oromiyaa mararratti qee’ee isaarraa maatiif waatii isaa wajjin buqqa’aa jira; barattoonni karaa nagaa seeran ala umnaan babal’acuu Finfinneetiin bara 2014 waggaa har’aa mormaa turan kumaatamaan har’ayuu hiidhaa keessa jiru, dhibbatamaan ajjeefamni, dhibbatamaan dararamaa jiru. Umnoonni loltuufi tikaa Agazii kan tarkaanfii suukaneessaa barattoota, qoteebulaa, hojjettoota fayyaa, daldaltootafi hojjettoota biroorratti fudhate ammas seeratti otoo hindhiyaatiin dhiigini nama keenya bilaashumatti dhangal’aa jira. Caalmatti, mirga sabaa keenyaaf kan dubbataaa jiru numa. Biloogaroonni fi gaazexeessitoonni Habashaa Zone9 warra jedhamaniif State Department dabalatee jarmiyaa addunyaa baay’etu falmaafi jira.
Garuu, dhibbatamaan ajjeefamnii kumaatamaan barattoota Oromoo hidhamaniif namoonni dhuunfaaf jaarmiyaaleen alaa dubbachaa jira yartuudha. Kuni kan nutti agarsiisu, tarii hojiin diplomaasiifi ijaarsi/gurmuun Oromoo laafaa ta’uusarra darbee waldhabbileen, walwaraansifi cichitummaan shorkessitoota gaanfa Afrikaatti waan baay’achaa jiruuf, mootummoonni Amerikaafi Awuroppaa waayyanee akka umna jeequmsaatti otoo hintaane akka umna nagaa eegidotaatti haal doggoraadhaan laalaa jiraachuudha. Yeroo amma jeequmsi gaanfa Afrikkaa biyyoota akka Summaaliyaa, Suudaan Kibbaafi Itoophiyummallee dabalatee deemaa jira. Jiddu-gala baa’aa keessas leelistummaan baay’achuun, biyyoonni baay’een biyya (state)diigamaa jiran ta’aa jiru. Tarsiimoon biyya alaa Ameerikaas ta’e kan, Awuroppaa, nagaa, dimokiraasfi kabajamuu mirga dhala namaa dura kan dhimmaniif tasggabbiin naannoo akka jiraatu. Biyyoonni lixaa haala kana keessatti, mootummaa Itoophiyaa akka qabsoo karaa nagaas ta’e hindhannoo akka hinkufine barbaadu.
Nuyi amma umna jabaa Lixaan filatamuu danda’u taanee hinargaminetti, Lixini warra umna qaban wajjin akkuma barame itti fufu. Haala jeeqama gurguddaa jiddugalessa ba’aa kan akka Siiriyaa, Yeeman, Ayiisis faana walbira qabamee yoo laalamu rakkoo Oromoo akk rakkoo xiqqaa xiyyafannoon hinbarbaachisneetti namoonni yaadan alarra nijuru. Rakkoon keenya guddaa ta’uu isaa umna taanee isaan kan amansiifachuu qabu nuyi. Abbaan iyyatu ollaan namaa birmata. Hatiyyuu ilma dhadhabaa hinjaallattu. Gaaffii guddaan warri biyya Lixaa qaban: “Oromoon umna yoo ta’ee as bahe, fedhii keenya nuu guutaa?” kan jedhu. Kaanf, deebii qubsaa kennuun afaaniin qofa otoo hintaane umnaanis gurmaa’uuni. Umna gudda jiru yoo moote yookiin dhadhabsiiste, sun fedhii siin firoomuu biyyoota Lixaa olkaasa.
Jaarmiyaalee addunyaafi naannoo (regional and international) kan akka Gamataa Aafrikaa (AU), Igaad, Mootumoota Walta’an (UN), mootumaa DC irree dabalatee Tigroonni malaan lixanii, seenanii fehdii ofii eegisuun gaaffiifi rakkoon Oromoo akka ukkamsamu taasisa jiru. Waa’ee Oromoo soba addunyaatti himuun Oromoon umna gadhee akka ta’e hololu. Kuni, immoo tarsiimoo adda addaafi akka itti alagaan waa’ee keenya yaadu garadabarsa. Kaayoon isaanii Oromoo addunyaarraa kutuun waa’een isaa akka hindhaga’mine gochuudha. Mootummaa ABT loobii ykn fedhii isaaf warra dubbatan doolaara miliyoona heedduu itti herreegee (baajaa baasee) kennee akka mootummaa dimokiraatawaa, misoomaafi mootummaa mirga dhala namaa eegutti bulchitoota Ameerikaa hanga Kongiresiitti sobee sobsifachaa jira. Fakkeenyaaf, dhiyoo kana Weendii Sheermaan, Isteet Dipartmentiitti Barreessituu Jalaa Dhimmoota Politikaa kan taate, Itoophiyaa deemuun filannoo Itoophiyaa bara kana ta’uuf deemu deeggarte, faarsitee dubbattee jirti. Odeeffannoon isheen argatte hundumtuu Mummucha Minsteera Aajaa Alaa Tweedroos Adnaahoomirraa dhufe. Weediin akkas jette:
• Kaayyoowwan misoomaa hudumtuu galma ga’anii jiru.
• Diingideen Itoophiyaa kan biyya Aafrikaa kamuu caalaa shaffisaan guddachaa jira.
• Itoophiyaan biyya sirna dimokiraasii hordoftuufi filannoo geggeessuuf fuulduratti deemaa jirtu.
Mootummaa Abbaairree mirgadhala namaa baay’eee dhiitaa jiru kana Weendii Sheermaan akkasitti faarsuun ishee doggora ta’uu isaa Jarmiyaaleen mirga dhala namaa muraasini Freedom House waliin walta’uun mormanii ibsa baasanii ture.
Gama biraan, dhabbileen Oromoo akka ijaaramanii akka barbaadan mirga Oromoof hinsochoone biyya keessatti uggurri seeraa: Labsii Farra Shorkeessummaa, Seera Dhabbilee Miti-Mootummaa, seera odeeffanno 2005 boodde ba’aniin sakkallamaa jiru. Ummanni Oromoo qabeenya akka hinhoranneefi diinagideen dhadhabaa akka ta’u, ABT halkanii guyyaa irratti hojjechaa as ga’e waggaa 24 darabaniif. Kanaaf, rakkoon diinagidee nuti qabinu rakkoo cimaa dabalataati.
Rakkoo ibsuurra baay’ee hinturu. Hundumti keenyayyuu rakkoo keenya nibeekina. Rakkoo furuurra rakkoo nutti himuu hojii godhatanii kana jiran jaarmiyaaleefi namtokkeeleen Oromoos heedduudha. Kuni dhabbachuu qaba. Oromoon furmaata barbaadu qaba. Rakkooleen jiran nan hinillaalatu jedhanii haaluun qabsoorraa baqachuun saba gudda miihda: haadhaafi obboleetti kee miidha, obbolessa keefi abbaa kee midha; firootafi matii kee midha; biyya miidha; Oromoiyaa miidha.

BEKELE GERBA SPEAKS!

MAY , 2015 

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Born in 1961 in West Wollega region of western Ethiopia, Bekele Gerba went to elementary school in Boji Dirmaji and completed his high school in Gimbi senior secondary school. Bekele was graduated with BA degree in foreign language and literature from the Addis Abeba University (AAU) and taught in Dembi Dolo and Nejo high schools in western Ethiopia, among others. He finished his post graduate studies in 2001 in teaching English as a foreign language at the AAU and went to Adama Teachers’ College, 98kms south of Addis Abeba, where he taught English and Afaan Oromo. Suspected of allegedly supporting students’ riot that took place a year before, Bekele was dismissed in 2005 by the college. He then came to Addis Abeba where he taught in two private universities for two years until he was employed in 2007 as a full time lecturer by the AUU where he continued teaching English. Bekele’s political career began in 2009 when he joined the opposition party, Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM), as a member of the executive committee and head of the public relations department. Bekele participated and lost in the 2010 parliamentary elections in which the ruling EPRDF claimed more than 99% of the seats in parliament. A father of four, Bekele was arrested in 2011 and sentenced to eight years in prison suspected of allegedly belonging to the banned Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). Upon appeal to the Supreme Court, his sentencing was reduced to three years and seven months with a right to parole. After the merger in 2012 of OFDM and Oromo Peoples’ Congress (OPC) that became known as the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) Bekele was appointed as First Deputy Chairman while he was still serving his sentence. Although he was paroled and was eligible to be free in 2014 Bekele was released in the first week of April 2015 only after he finished his sentencing. A few days after his release Bekele agreed to sit down for his first extensive interview with our Editor-in-Chief Tsedale Lemma. Excerpts:  

Addis Standard – I would like to congratulate you for being a free man at last. But what was it like to be in prison?

Bekele Gerba - Prison is not a place one appreciates to be. But I think it is also the other way of life as an Ethiopian; unfortunately it has become the fate of many of our people. You will find a lot of students, youngsters, brothers and sisters, sons and fathers, husbands and wives. Especially when it comes to the Oromo, they are there in great numbers. Therefore going there or being there was a very good experience by itself because you will understand the agony and the hardship our people are facing at the moment. There are lots of problems there too, from the type of food people eat to the type of bed they sleep on. But there are a lot of things to learn from them so I think for me it has been a place of training.

What was your everyday life like and what was your biggest challenge?

My biggest challenge was the first one year and two months when I was kept in maximum security in Kality prison. The room was very small and the type of people we were with are regarded as deadly criminals in this country; they fight and even the police are scared of them. Sometimes they use drugs and they fight easily with anybody. It is a very difficult place. After being there for a year and two months I was sent to Ziway. Ziway is a place where people who come from the countryside are always kept; people who are economically not well off, mainly people who are allegedly suspected of having links with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). And most of them are Oromos there.
There is this popular term that says ‘the prisons in Ethiopia speak Afaan Oromo.’ Is it what you are confirming to me now?

Exactly. If you take away the large number of thieves (the most popular crime there [in Ziway] is theft – and say may be out of 5000 or 6000 prisoners there about 3000 or 4000 thieves) and if you take away those people who are suspected of corruption, very few in number in fact, the rest you can say they are all Afaan Oromo speakers.

How did that make you feel as a politician whose party represents the Oromo and as an Oromo?

In one way I am very glad to be there because I felt myself sharing the agony of my own people. How am I different from those people? Those people went to prison because they demanded their rights; I was also there because I demanded my rights. In this country I thought that the Oromos are being excluded from the political and from the economic spheres or participation, something I always object. Therefore I am very glad to be there. I remember the first day I went to the court before my arrest just to see how the court was proceeding when about 500 or 600 Oromos were imprisoned and then taken to the court. I went there as a party member to witness and to see what was going on around. I felt very badly because I saw the prosecutors organizing false evidences; they were calling upon people and they were giving them orientations to testify against people whom they didn’t know at all, whom they have never seen before. I was sad and I called some media that day and gave a brief interview. I think it was after the airing of that interview that the government started following me in order to stop what I was doing. But since I was the spokesman of my party that was the job given to me – to give press conferences or sometimes press releases of what was going on around the party and anything related to the Oromo people. But after I went to prison I was relieved because I had to experience the agony of my people; I had to share their pain and I am glad for that.

Going by your own explanation, if living the pain and agony of your fellow countrymen brought you relief, how did that affect your other life that you stood for? You had a family, you had a political life, and you had a career that you had to leave behind.

Like anybody else, like a human being, when you miss your family of course you feel sad. But my family is no different from other peoples’ family. For example there is a family that I know, the husband was in prison and when he was released the wife was taken to prison. Their children are growing up without a father at one time and a mother at another; my children are no better than these. And if only my family, if only a group of people enjoy normal life and the great majority are not doing the same, I think your happiness or your joy cannot be complete. Of course when I first went there I thought my family would be affected very badly but they are very courageous and they were very supportive psychologically. They were very strong and thanks to many Oromos my children did not quit school and my family has not suffered as such economically.

Your daughter Bontu gave an interview to Afuraa Biyyaa radio station once and told the station you were suffering from ill health. Walk me through that. What happened? How did you maintain your health afterwards?

During the first two three days soon after I was taken to Ma’ekelawi [prison] I started having severe headache and the nurses told me that my blood pressure was high. I had never had that experience before. I was then taken to the Police Hospital and was diagnosed with the same thing; the nurses told me that I looked like a chronic hypertensive patient. I have not had that kind of medical history. Since then until I came out of the prison a few days ago, my blood pressure has been on the rise; I think may be because of the tension, I don’t know. But I am happy that after I was released I am quite okay. I haven’t taken any medication or I have not consulted any physician since my release; I feel I am healthy.

What did help you maintain your everyday sanity when you were there? Was it your interaction with other inmates? Did you have access to books?

The first year was a very difficult time and we have not had enough books and we didn’t know how to smuggle books or any magazines or anything to be read. We have not had any relations with the police; that was a very difficult time until we adjusted ourselves to the prison situations. But later on we started having some books to read that some friends brought for us. We started reading and on a small scale started writing, although it was very difficult to get it out because every three weeks or so the prison police would conduct a search and take away anything that is written; that was the difficult part of it. But after I went to the prison in Ziway I had a chance to meet senior people from the army and from the air force who were accused of staging a coup. Those are people like General Tefera and General Asamenew who were taken to Ziway together. We stayed together and they are very understanding people; they like reading, they like discussions and I enjoyed the discussions. We shared books; we read whatever books we could lay our hands on. That helped me to squeeze through all these bad times.
Moving out of your time in prison, can you tell me what it was like growing up as Bekele Gerba, an Oromo child?

Surprisingly the place I was born and raised is a typical monolingual area. All the people around, all the shop owners or

Urgent Appeal on Behalf of Oromo Refugees Stranded in Yemen

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
94 rue de Montbrillant
Geneva, Switzerland

Subject: Urgent Appeal on Behalf of Oromo Refugees Stranded in Yemen

The Oromo Community of Minnesota (OCM) is sending an urgent appeal to all governmental, non-governmental and UN humanitarian agencies, on behalf of Oromo refugees stranded in Yemen due to the ongoing fighting in that country.

The Oromo in Minnesota, the largest Oromo community outside East Africa, is following the plight of refugees in Yemen with great trepidation. Our compatriots make the difficult decision to flee from their beloved homeland due to rampant and persistent persecution by successive Ethiopian regimes. Their choices are either to stay in their country and remain silent over the daily injustices or speak up and get sent to prisons for the simple reason of asserting their inalienable rights; dare to oppose violations of human rights and face disappearance, long incarceration without trial, and extra-judicially killings simply because, to use the words of Amnesty international’s recent report,they are Oromo.

These refugees had to cross through harsh environments to get to the Gulf of Aden and then board overcrowded boats. They took these risky steps to escape more serious dangers at home. As the situation in Yemen deteriorates, most of the Yemenis have moved out to the relative safety of the countryside, while other refugees have left to other countries. The only helpless ones still stranded in urban centers are Oromo refugees. We are gravely concerned for their safety.

Our urgent appeal is for the protection of their critically endangered lives based on humanitarian grounds and their evacuation to a safer country. We humbly request that repatriation to Ethiopia not be an option as they are going to face persecution by the Ethiopian government, which is what drove them to make the excruciating choice of becoming refugees in the first place.

Therefore, the Oromo Community of Minnesota is appealing to all humanitarian agencies and all individuals of goodwill to do all things in their means to assist our brothers and sisters caught up in the present tragic situation in Yemen. Our community is ready and on standby to cooperate with humanitarian agencies in their concerted efforts to save the lives of our people.

OFC/Medrek Campaign Received by Another Huge Turnout in Dodola, Oromia

The Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC/Medrek) campaign tour has continued in small and big towns in Oromia. Most recently, the campaign train made a stop at Dodola in central Oromia; yet again, the OFC rally drew a crowd of thousands of potential voters, who braved the constant harassment and intimidation of Ethiopia’s TPLF regime to express their solidarity with OFC/Medrek. It is to be noted that Dr. Beyene Petros of the Ethiopian Social Democratic Party (ESDP/Medrek) revealed once again the ongoing abuses by the TPLF regime on Medrek voters and candidates, as reported by OMN over the weekend.

More than 50 Oromo students arrested by Ethiopia’s TPLF regime in Ambo, Oromia; 20 being tortured

The Endless Violence against Oromo Nationals Continues

Fear of Torture | HRLHA Urgent Action

For Immediate Release

May , 2015

Harassment and intimidation through arbitrary arrests, kidnappings and disappearances have continued unabated in Ambo and the surrounding areas against Oromo youth and intellectuals since the crackdown of last year (April 2014), when more than 79 Oromos, mostly youth, were killed by members of the federal security force.

According to HRLHA correspondents in Ambo, the major targets of this most recent government-sponsored violence were Ambo University and high schools Oromo students in Ambo town. In this incident, which started on April 20, 2015, more than 50 university and high school students were arrested; more than 20 were severely beaten by the security force and taken to the Ambo General Hospital for treatment.

Although it has been difficult to identify everyone by their names, HRLHA correspondents have confirmed that the following were among the arrestees:

Those who were badly beaten and are being hospitalized in the Ambo General Hospital:

According to HRLHA reporters, the arrests were made to clear out supporters and members of the other political organizations running for the 5th General Election to be held May 24, 2015. The EPRDF, led by the late Meles Zenawi, claimed victory in the General Elections of 1995, 2000, 2005 and 2010. The TPLF/EPRDF government of Ethiopia has started a campaign of intimidation against its opponents. Extrajudicial arrests and imprisonments, particularly in the regional state of Oromia, the most populous region in the country, began late October 2014.

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) expresses its deep concern over the safety and well-being of these Oromo nationals who have been arrested without any court warrant, and are being held at police stations and unknown detention centers. The Ethiopian government has a well documented record of gross and flagrant violations of human rights, including the torturing of its own citizens, who were suspected of supporting, sympathizing with and/or being members of the opposition political organizations. There have been credible reports of physical and psychological abuses committed against individuals in Ethiopia’s official prisons and other secret detention centers.

HRLHA calls upon governments of the West, all local, regional and international human rights agencies to join hands and demand the immediate halt to such

Let Us Foster Tokkummaa for Bilisumma

The question yet to be answered is, why should we and how can we build this unity for freedom? Here is the answer:

We are a big nation with 40 million people. But yet, we are colonized. One of the many factors which hinder us from success is the fragmentation of our political organizations. We do now have several mini-liberation fronts roaring like baby lions against one big ruling party, the Woyane. The well experienced Woyane is laughing at our mini-lions for they are not dangerous to it. It even pretends to take one or two of them seriously and try to negotiate with them. But, the baby lions can not gain in the negotiation since Woyane despises them. In order to gain in negotiation, the mini-lions need to be strong in the battlefield. That is why all of them have to come under one structure and build one strong liberation front. No one in life fears 100 baby lions, but everyone is scared of confronting one strong adult lion. Here is my small suggestion on how to forge such a strong lion:

At the level of the public: we need to enhance the consciousness of our people at the grass-root level and organize them to be oriented to the big picture, to our end goal, i.e. to the beneficial union of free nations. We have to help our communities all over the world to forge unity for ‘freedom and independence’ or for ‘freedom and union’. Every Oromo at the grass-root level should take heed of the dividers, who try to play the cards of region, party and religion to sow a discord among Oromos.

At the level of the media: (TV, forums, radio, internet news, paltalks, etc.), we should be wise enough to discern between constructive and destructive comments, criticisms, ideas, etc. We know that nowadays our opponents use Oromo name, Oromo language and Oromo identity in order to fight against us. Every comment, idea or criticism said or written by someone in the name of Oromo is not necessarily from an Oromo. Of course, there are some Oromo, who knowingly or unknowingly serve the interest of our opponents against the Oromo cause. So, our bloggers and journalists should take heed of such destructive messages and expose them as they come.

At the level of the polity: I just recommend all Oromo organizations try to work together. It is encouraging that the “legal” opposition already consolidated under one strong organization. Let our mini-lions come together and foster one strong adult lion of the rebels. They do accuse each other as if they have different goals. But, when we look at them and their programs, they do have no difference in objective. Their common goal is clear, i.e. an imperative freedom of the Oromo people and an optional independence of the Oromo land. Where they do differ is only in attitude and way of struggle. We can understand the difference in attitude in double sense. One is because of the emotional disagreement of some Oromo politicians (antipathy to each other). The other is, of course, some politicians are putting their self-interest higher than the Oromo people’s interest. I hope, in due time, these politicians learn to control their attitude and work together for the sake of the Oromo people’s national goal. The difference regarding the way of struggle is actually complementary rather than contradictory. They only need to accept and respect the different routes chosen by each of them (just as an example the “illegal” route and the “legal” way are complementary.)

Regarding the possible alliance with the Abyssinian democratic forces, we may move with them to Diredhawa, but surely, they will not be willing to move with us to Adama and/or Finfinne. To comprehend the difference, let us look at the four current political blocs in the empire:

– the Andinet Hayiloch: those unitary forces striving for the further existence of the empire with pretext of “Ethiopian unity” as it had been before 1991.

– the Abiyotawi Hayiloch: the current ruling Fascist regime of Woyane’s revolutionary democratic forces keeping the status quo.

– the Abironet Hayiloch: those unionists/federalists, who try to achieve both freedom of nations and union of the region, be it in the name of Ethiopia, the Horn or otherwise.

Difference Between Oromo Organizations | Oromo Revolution | We Fled, But Could Not Escape part 3

3. We Fled, But Could Not Escape

By Ibsaa Guutama*

It is long since the Oromo rebelled and started to defend itself against the colonial harsh rule. Enemy and cruelty have continued increasing by folds since it started organizing and strengthening its resistance. Political suppression and economic plunders, imposed on the nation, have denied the youth to live in peace. Imprisonment, tortures and killings started to get out of bounds. As a result, when they could not live in their country in peace, they started to seek for solutions. Many in different countries started to clandestinely organize the means of escape and transportation to benefit from such human mishaps. For the survival of their bloodline, relatives started collecting aid and giving provision for their loved ones. They were many who crossed boundaries of the empire by paying whatever it costed. Closing their eyes, they flocked to escape from abuses in their country – without knowing what might wait for them on the other end. Their aim was first to reach countries like Kenya; South Africa; Arab countries through Djibouti and Somalia; and Europe through the Sudan and North African countries. Very few reached the desired destinations; many perished en route.

Those who went to Kenya hoped the UN would resettle them in Western countries. Because of the great influx of refugees to Kenya, resettlement started to drag and take much time. As a result, many left and headed through dangerous routes to South Africa. Before reaching there, many were eaten by wild animals; drowned in waters; abused and imprisoned, etc., as was told periodically. Because the Sudan route had the same peril, similar incidents beheld those who took that way to reach Libya and Egypt. Many of those who tried to reach Israel through Egypt were slain in the desert and their internal organs sold as spare parts, as were also heard. Those who reached Libya during Gadhafi’s era, though discriminated and despised by individuals, they were able to work for their living until they reached their intended destinations. Many who went to Somalia were followed by Wayyaanee and were killed, or taken back to the country to subject them for more suffering. In particular, those who fled to Puntland, other than being handed over to Wayyaanee, observed indifferently when hate groups burned with fire Oromo nationals who went to them for protection.

Promising to help them escape from Wayyaanee and Puntland unobserved, they loaded them on unworthy boats to Yemen after charging exorbitant amounts of money, but many were drowned on the way without a trace. Similar ventures did not stop; preferring to try their chances, even under risk of drowning, than to continuing living the Oromo way. And more catastrophes are taking place than previous times. Boats that carry immigrants from Libya to Europe are also facing similar dangers with those of Yemen again and again.

These days shocking news are reaching from South Africa and Libya. What happened in South Africa emanated from hatred for refugees from other parts of Africa and from Asia. Many homes and shops belonging to those immigrants were looted and burnt down, and several immigrant lives were lost. The unemployment rate in that country is said to be well above 24%. It is said, the people complain about the immigrants stealing their jobs. That, many South Africans lived scattered all over Africa only yesterday during the Apartheid era, is already forgotten. For a country praised as a powerhouse of African economy, to reach a level where it cannot control the fury of its own people seems to be an indicator of bad times ahead for Africa and the world. For immigrants of Oromo and other peoples of the empire, that amounts to jumping from fire to land, only in boiling cauldron.

The killing of their strong man and the destruction of the system he built might have given benefit for those who destroyed it; as for Libya, it has not become a country since. The man had forcefully brought tribes with different interests under one rule. With his demise, all were dismantled and started shooting at each other from their bunkers. Now, it has advanced beyond that and become a land where fanatic groups, like ISIS and Al-Qaida, are making efforts to implement their policies. Nothing positive, but only negative, is taking place. The reported slaying of Christians from Ethiopia is difficult to understand what it benefits and who might be behind it. One will not perform such an atrocity without return. Slaying poor travelers, who fled their country unable to live in peace, affects only those left at home, parents, siblings and relatives, not anybody they complain about. This action has infuriated many peace-loving people around the world. The Oromo are both Christians as well as Muslims. For this reason, they all are equally affected by those slain and those awaiting their turns to be slaughtered. Because Oromo are numerous, they are found in all mishaps.

In Yemen, too, many Oromo nationals are cornered lacking a place to run to and an opening to escape through. When Arabs on Arabs and Yemeni tribes on Yemeni show cruelty, it will not be difficult to imagine what could happen when it comes to aliens. What can be done for now and what about for tomorrow? To start brainstorming fast is now. Starting from when the Yemeni ran away from colonizers until they got independence, the Oromo had hosted them with love and care. They have married from and into them. That remained only memory of yesteryears. Many Oromo shared their faith, but that did not reward them with preferential treatments. Oromo youth, that ran to them for protection, found itself in boundless difficulties. Relations with the Saudi and Djibouti were similar. But they have given back their Muslim co-religious, even during the Darg, to a government that had denied the existence of God. That shows that national interests of a country supersedes having a common faith and being in-laws. The Oromo – be them Waaqeffataa, Muslim or Christian – have no one to depend on, except each other. In common, they have country, history, culture and tradition. No one will be expected for the rescue, if not each other.

Difference Between Oromo Organizations | Oromo Revolution part 2

2. Oromo Revolution

By Ibsaa Guutama*

The Oromo are people who have lived under fear and threat for over a century. That fear and submission to threats only have accelerated humiliation, abuse and death – and that has started reversing course after a long and slow awakening. Self-doubts, lack of political consciousness, treachery and enemy propaganda have contributed to the Oromo’s inability to revive from the first blow. But an era was reached whereby all oppressed peoples of the world rose against abusive systems. It was then that the Oromo struggle transcended the slow movement and burst into a revolution. The Oromo began asserting their identity, history, culture and language – no more accepting the dictate of their colonizers. They demanded Oromiyaa’s unconditional independence and the establishment of the Independent Republic of Oromiyaa. Though the final goal is yet to be reached, they were able to get rid of the old Nafxanyaa’s relation to the land with all its spells; they have made all to call them Oromo in the way they call themselves; they have revived their language to be a public language rather than remain in the hearth; they have got their country Oromiyaa on the map; they are able for their right to national self-determination, up to and including independence, be recognized by the colonizer. Afan Oromo has become the working and the school language, and many other benefits are recorded. The revolutionary struggle is continuing to reach the intended goal. Here,revolution means a situation where a harsh system is uprooted and replaced by a new one. The aim of the Oromo revolution is to uproot the colonial system, and create a situation whereby the Oromo gains independence; lives in freedom and equality as sovereign over its country; and lives in happiness and peace with its surrounding.

Oromo revolutionaries are no copycat of any system. They were inspired by their Gadaa heritage and so are Gadaa revolutionaries. They came forward during the period of the Pan-African movement with their Ethiopian schoolmates and matured to full blossom – internalizing what they had heard about Garvey, DuBois and Kwame Nkrumah as well as other revolutionary movements of the time and of centuries past. They were eagerly looking forward for the unity of African peoples, not the unity of the mentally enslaved African elites. They believed that people could talk about their roles in a larger society only if they could liberate themselves from subjugation. Towards that, the Oromo revolutionaries set their goal as an anti-colonial and an anti-subjugation of all sorts. It is only, they believed, as free people, that their nation can give their consent to any form of unity or peaceful coexistence with other peoples. This stand has gained momentum over the years, and no saboteur can turn it back. As a revolutionary entity, the Oromo national liberation movement is armed with Gadaa principles on human rights and democratic governance, and never retires without bringing fundamental positive changes to the Oromo life.

Oromiyaa is a reality that cannot be denied, distorted or dismantled anymore. The Habashaa and those who lobby to be embraced by their movement of Ethiopianization believe that all ethnic groups must be forcefully assimilated into their system. Already, there are several “assimilado” helping them towards this end. They abhor ethnic groups claiming nationhood. That is why Habashaa and their cohorts distort the meaning of the word “ethnic,” and reduce it to mean “gosa”(clan or tribe) in Afan Oromo. They do not have this term in their language, but borrowed it from Oromo. For Oromo, “gosa” means a sub-group of the nation Oromo – that has, over the years, formed some particular cohesiveness differentiating itself from other groups with whom they share the general national characteristics. For all, the national supreme law overrides all “gosa” laws and practices. Thus, Oromo is not “gosa”, but trunk for the several gosa’s that call themselves “Ilmaan Oromo” or Oromo. When we refer to an ethnic group (Lammii), it depicts common racial and national origin as well as linguistic or cultural heritage. Those characteristics could belong to a nation state or peoples that have volunteered to live in a multinational state. Oromiyaans can be of different ethnic groups that have voluntarily formed a union for purposes commonly cherished. Therefore, it is not necessary to reduce the multi-gosa Oromo nation to “gosa”, simply to deny it the right to be independent.

Hence, politicians who start with the wrong premise about Ethiopia and its colonies only distort the truth, and delay creating lasting understanding among peoples of the Ethiopian empire. In particular, when Oromo nationals start counselling Habashaa Princes on how to maintain the empire, the credibility of all they had lectured so far comes under question. Such overtures remind one only of Machiavelli’s advice to Florentine’s Prince – better to be “feared than respected.” Oromo Machiavellians have preferred a strong Habashaaruler against the freedom and independence of their own people. They do not see their abandoning the “Kaayyoo,” and the expression of wishes and aspirations of the people; they have left their followers in harm’s way. It seems a spell is put on them to regret their past and forced to reverse it.

But what they want to reverse has become history; Oromo has started a new chapter with a more dynamic and technologically advanced generation that speaks the political language of the day. They could have been more useful for the nation had they remained resource persons than trying to remain prime movers. By doing so, they only exposed their soft part that might discredit all the suffering they went through, presumably in good faith. Still, it will not be too late to change a strategy, break the spell, uphold Oromummaa and correct the damage. Starting from OPDO, many groups had served the empire state as loyal oppositions. Because they failedOromummaa as a group, we cannot say that all are anti-Oromummaa. Before them, many had tried to work loyally withHabashaa governments, but they all know how those ended up. There were those who returned to people’s camp and cleansed themselves by paying enviable sacrifices. Instead of learning from others’ experiences, some others have tried the hard way by going the long beaten road and are clearly failing. Let this be a lesson for all activists to reexamine Oromummaa if there is a way it could be served better. Seeking peace and reconciliation within oneself is also an Oromo tradition.

Oromo forebears have left to their descendants advanced political culture to be proud of. They knew that “Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely” thousands of years before Lord Acton uttered it in 1887. They had limited the time an elected party could stay in power, and put several mechanisms to control abuses and corruptions by the powerful. They have also assigned roles to the elderly. It is failing to accept this principle that sent many Oromo politicians berserk to the extent of running away to check if the enemy could embrace them. But it was commonsense to guess that it will rather embarrass than embrace, if not earlier at later stage. The natural development of a societal system disrupted a century ago can be put back on track only with the revolutionary struggle, not by slow locomotion or wavering moves. Feet dragging and indetermination will only buy time for the colonizer, and contribute to its refining the oppressive system. The colonizer rejects Oromo activists’ proposal, not for their ideas, but for who they are. Let alone volunteers, aliens can never believe their own recruits would give up from heart own rights and dignity to work with them. Aliens never relax in their presence for they suspect Oromo have hidden agenda for settling past scores and sabotaging their ambitions. To get accepted as a formidable counterpart, one has first to have a backup to call up on.

Difference Between Oromo Organizations | Oromo Revolution

1. Difference Between Oromo Organizations

By Ibsaa Guutama*

There are many organizations founded by Oromiyaan nationals. But they have differences in the ways they view the objectives of the Oromo struggle. Except about the actors being Oromo, no one has brought forward those differences for discussion. For this reason, whenever people in different camps clash verbally or in writings, questions that seem criticisms, such as “Why do you gang up against each other leaving the enemy aside?” – have been arising from different directions. It does not seem that there is anyone who has given attention to the causes. Is it possible for Oromo in different camps to relate to each other as kin, or tolerate each other as activists in hostile camps? Instead of bringing such differences to light and search for solutions, some intentionally distort the truth so as people may not be able to investigate and be aware of the differences, while others throw innocent opinions. Fortunately, these differences are of no significance between genuine Oromo factions. Overlooking the differences between organizations founded by persons from a nation, as if they do not exist, will make it difficult to solve problems within the nation and among nations of the region.

When looking back to the tricks used in weakening the Oromo struggle for independence, we cannot help but wonder how it has survived so far. There is no propaganda tactic not applied, internally and externally, to make it abhorred. OLF stands for independence; unverified reasons given for its “despicability” could not cross over the strong walls of the kaayyoo it advances to dismantle it. They have buzzed to brains of the weak, the opportunists and the wavering. Unless OLF, as an organization, is viewed separately from the actors, danger is awaiting the Oromo struggle. It would be better for the future of the Oromo nation if, in the campaign being waged against the Struggle for Independence, those who are not the enemy’s running dogs – watch out as not to find themselves on the same side with the enemy unintentionally. Because one Gadaa used to be identified with a war, another with rain, yet another with a famine, etc., but that did not tempt the nation to abandon the Gadaa system. The condition in which our struggle finds itself today has to be viewed in that light. A group or party may pass, but the Gadaa system remains permanent.

This article will not raise differences within a nation, like those between clans/tribes and religions. It is also not aimed at differences between nations. The struggle the Oromo nation has been waging to regain rights, which it has been denied, has been entangled for different reasons, and could not achieve the planned result. The Oromo people could be taken seriously only when they strengthen themselves with a formidable organization. If the nation is taken seriously, aliens would no longer and no more decide for it, but it will start to decide for itself. In own country, aliens should not be the subjugators – and itself the subject. When the people initiated the struggle in the 1960’s, it was by saying “We are self-reliant independent people and not dependent on any nation.” Any struggle does not take place in a vacuum, but among societies of friends and enemies that have interests. Unable to make their organization airtight, all went in through the pores and weakened it.

For this reason, the Oromo nation has to investigate which of the organizations operating under its name work for it alone, and which ones have not forgotten its interest wherever they might be; which ones are staunch collaborators that defend one that own people takes as an arch enemy more than the enemy could defend itself. Here we are discussing about the correctness of the principle, not about politics. If there is a national consensus on tactics and strategies, political activities could be handled on different patterns. But, the problem comes with how they view Oromiyaa. Is Oromiyaa a country that has a right to independently exist, or is it a branch of Ethiopia? How can those who say it has a right to independently exist and those who say it is a branch of Ethiopia get reconciled? When investigated in depth, they do not have a common definition for the identity of the people. The same people are going to appear as another people under these differing understandings. For this reason, to reconcile the two camps in principle is not as easy as saying it. It must be observed that the idea being rolled to be a loyal opposition is a dangerous idea that could force Oromiyaa to remain under occupation unless handled with care. Persons rolling that can change their stand at any time, but the idea will stick and remain in place initially intended for it. Participants in this scheme as individuals may be patriotic, but as groups, they can be nothing but collaborators.