Ethiopia poll plans continue despite opposition crackdown

The National Electoral Board of Ethiopia has announced its plan to conduct the postponed national election in late May or early June next year.

Soliana Shimelis, the board's communication adviser, told the BBC that preparations were underway.

Opposition parties have however complained that a government crackdown against its officials had disrupted their plans to prepare for the polls.

The #Oromo Liberation Front (#OLF) said almost all of its leaders and party officials are under arrest while its offices including the main office in the capital Addis Abeba are either "ransacked, closed or are under state under control."

The government has not responded to these allegations.

Another opposition party Oromo Federalist Congress (#OFC) has also announced that it was going to be difficult for it to take part in the upcoming election with its leaders and members in jail.

Justice, not repression, will break Ethiopia’s waves of violence

Stop Repression!

After Mr. Abiy Ahmed became Prime Minister of Ethiopia in 2018, his government opened space for freedom of expression, reformed the security forces and released political prisoners. It seemed like a miraculous new dawn for a country where civil and political freedoms have been repressed for decades. With this new sense of freedom, Ethiopians have become increasingly vocal about ethnic and religious grievances, past atrocities and political, cultural and economic marginalization.  

But hopes for a new era of human rights burn less brightly these days.

On 29 June, the country was wracked by massive protests sparked by the killing of Hachalu Hundesa, a popular Oromo singer. Although some protests were peaceful, others turned violent as youth attacked ethnic and religious minorities in Oromia; and the spiraling violence exposed deep-rooted political, ethnic and religious fault lines that go back for generations.  

Similar violence erupted in the same region last October after Jawar Mohammed, an Oromo activist-turned Oromo Federalist politician, complained on social media about a government attempt to withdraw his state-provided security. In the ensuing violence, at least 86 people were killed in intercommunal fighting and by security forces, according to the authorities. Again, the government responded with excessive and lethal force, mass arrests and detentions. Almost a year later, there has been no credible investigation into the causes of the violence. None of the suspected perpetrators, including security forces, have been prosecuted.

Recurring incidents of violence have also been reported in four other regions besides Oromia; in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples (SNNP) Region; Harari Region; Benishangul and Amhara Regions, as well as Dire Dawa, an administrative state.

It is clear the Ethiopian government now faces numerous challenges due to deep running cleavages that are yet to be properly addressed.

The government needs to facilitate and not repress freedom of assembly, navigate complex security situations and protect the population in line with international human rights law. It must ensure that only strictly necessary and proportionate force is used to manage violence during some protests, and must end the use of excessive force, mass arrests and prolonged detention without trial or charge, if it does not wish to further exacerbate tensions and slide back to the repression of the past.

The government must also deliver justice and accountability for human rights violations by security forces as documented in Amnesty International’s Beyond Law Enforcement Report published in May 2020. The report revealed extrajudicial executions, rape, torture and ill-treatment, mass arrests, killings and incommunicado detention committed by security forces in parts of Oromia.

Our research also highlighted human rights abuses due to intercommunal violence, mainly with the complicity of security forces, against ethnic minorities in Amhara. Ethiopia’s Office of the Attorney General responded with its own investigations and said the government had taken decisive measures to ensure accountability of security forces and local administration officials. However, transparency around these investigations is elusive, judicial prosecutions lacking, and survivors are yet to see justice.

In his maiden speech to parliament in April 2018, Prime Minister Abiy took the brave decision to apologize for human rights violations committed during the 27 years in which the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) was in power. It is vital that his government follows this up with concrete actions to secure justice for the many who still seek it.

Prosecutions of some former police and intelligence officers in 2018 for acts of torture and ill-treatment committed before 2018 while welcome were selective, limited in scope as some officials who committed violations never faced trial. The trials of some of those prosecuted lacked adequate criminal procedure protections as guaranteed by international human rights law. This has left countless victims of past and present human rights violations waiting in limbo.

While the government took the major step of releasing about 40,000 people arbitrarily detained for their political views and affiliations under the previous administration, these people are yet to receive reparations in line with international human rights standards.

Furthermore, while the National Reconciliation Commission established in 2018-19 has an important role to play, the legislation creating it and appointment of commissioners was rushed and lacked transparency, denying civil society and the population a say.

While the Commission is mandated to document past conflicts and human rights violations to identify their causes, the law does not define its relationship to judicial investigations and prosecutions. There is a real risk that victims and survivors will not access justice and reparations, including the right to truth, accountability, compensation, rehabilitation or recognition.

More than two years after assuming office, it is more urgent than ever before, that Prime Minister Abiy outlines a roadmap for justice within the country’s transition. Ethiopians need clarity on when and how current and previous high-ranking government officials suspected of committing human rights violations will be investigated and prosecuted, how survivors will get reparations, as well as plans for legal and structural reforms needed to break with past repression.

Until Ethiopia deals with past atrocities and grievances - through justice for every era and every region – the country will remain susceptible to incidents sparking much bigger violence. Along with security sector reform, justice cultivates respect for rule of law it builds national confidence and unleashes the country’s potential for inclusive and just development, at a time when the African continent needs to look within for examples and for inspiration. 

1992 in 2020: The Dismantling of the OLF by a Political Engineer

The Oromo Liberation Front was founded in 1974 to end the colonial oppression imposed on the Oromo people by the Amhara and enable them exercise their right to self-determination. Unfortunately, the front has encountered series of ups and downs. On the one hand, it had to fight against the enemy armed to its teeth. On the other hand, it had to deal with internal saboteurs (traitors) who caused more harm to the cause than the enemy could alone. These saboteurs paralyzed the front’s effectiveness by threatening the unity of the front and also acting as agents for the enemy. Consequently, even with full support of its people, the OLF was unable to lead the Oromo to full independence. Treason and sabotage are threatening the fate of the OLF today more than at any time in its history.

In June 1991, I was one of the Oromo’s who lined up along the main street in Finfinnee to welcome the delegation of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) led by Lencho Lata. In his address to the crowd, Lencho said, “we came to claim our land which Minilik took by force. If this does not work out, we will go back to the jungle – Lafa keenya Minilik nurraa fudhate falmachuu dhufne. Yoo ta’uu baate bosonatti deebina. (The statement is not quoted verbatim, but this is exactly what he said.)  Lencho led the OLF delegation in the July Conference and became the front’s point man until it was forced out of the Transitional Government in June 1992. This short participation in the Transitional Government, apparently representing the OLF, brought Lencho to closer relationship with Meles Zenawi, the leader of the Tigre People’s Liberation Front – TPLF, who was president of the Transitional Government. By getting closer to Meles, Lencho shaped his own political future that, after twenty-six years, landed him in Menilek’s palace under Minilik’s great grand-son, Abiy Ahmed. After leaving the Transitional Government, Lencho moved to Canada from where he tirelessly engaged in dissecting the OLF into pieces. In 1998, he succeeded in sucking from behind the then Secretary General, Galaasaa Dilbo, whom he replaced by the current OLF chairman, Daawud Ibsaa. He did not stop with that and continued with his endless act of protozoa-like multiplication of the OLF. In 2005, he split from Daawud’s OLF and created what he called Oromo Democratic Forum, then Jijirama, then THIS, then THAT, and … and finally the Oromo Democratic Front which he happily handed to Abiy Ahmad – a gift to Comrade Napoleon.

The other OLF wing called Qaama Cehumsa continued under Galaasaa Dilbo. This wing arguably defended the original program that the front adopted when it was founded in 1974. Although it included such high caliber and honest people like Obbo Ibsaa Guutamaa, this wing went into obscurity.

Leencho continued with his intrigues and unashamedly turned the OLF-Shane (Daawud) and OLF-QC (Galaasaa) against one another to the extent of taking each other to court in the United States. He openly asked Meles Zenawi to allow him to return but Meles demanded to return in the name of OLF not in the name the ODF. In 2017, without getting permission, he flew to Ethiopia with members of his group but was declared persona non grata (ofiin dhufiin marcumni hin ga’hu) in and returned to Norway with shame. A member of his team, Lencho Bati, is currently Abiy Amhed’s adviser while and the rest are in hiding because of shame.

Of the three OLF groups, Daawud’s Shanee continued to reverberate in the hearts of millions of Oromos because it kept hope alive. Being in Asmara, at least it found a listening ear from Isayas Afaworki who wanted to use them against his archenemy, Meles Zenawi. Isayas allowed Daawd to train some combatants on Eritrea’s ground. With the diminishing influence of Lencho, this group quickly moved back to the original platform of the organization which the vast majority of the Oromo support. Lencho, did not like the growing popularity of the Daawud group and arrived early in Finfinnee as soon as Minilik’s grandson assumed the premiership. To his disappointment, he did not get a hero’s welcome because the Oromo people already knew the sabotages he has been doing to the Oromo struggle. He and his team quickly joined the Abiy camp. Lencho Bati and Dima Nago became Abiy’s advisors whose names the prime minister is proud of mentioning publicly as exemplary members of opposition parties working with him. In 2019, Lencho’s ODF openly declared joining the OPDO.

By working closely with Meles, Lencho started the process of splitting the OLF which he did in 1998. By working closely with Abiy in 2018, Lencho started to finish what he started twenty-six years ago. Lencho knew that the Oromo people rejected him because of his malicious acts on the OLF and cooperation with the enemy. His hopelessness and total rejection became a reality when six million Oromos marched on Finfinnee to welcome Daawud in September 2018. Lencho then went back to his 1998 workbook when he split the OLF into two and he began to apply the same to the OLF currently chaired by Daawud. That is why we are back to ground zero in our struggle that the OLF has been leading since 1974. Shame on those OLF leaders who were in Asmara for twenty years to finally come to this point. You did not have to go to Asmara to join the Ethiopian government. You did not have to waste your time. This also applies to Lencho and his group who now work for the Ethiopian government. You also wasted your thirty-some years; and, please understand that your brother did not die to enable you what you do now. Your brother died for all Oromos. Please, don’t swear in the name of your martyred brother. For Lencho Lata, 2018 is his 1992 and 2020 is his 1998.

What should be done

1. TO THE SABOTEURS: Those who are being advised by Lencho to overthrow Daawud Ibsaa should know that the Oromo struggle for complete independence will continue. As Lencho’s (now your godfather) protozoazation of OLF did not stop the struggle before, your sabotage and betrayal will rather solidify our determination to move forward.
2. TO OUR QEERROO: You toppled the TPLF in 2018 when the OLF was not here. You have to continue the struggle and the journey to victory without getting distracted by the act of these saboteurs.
3. JAAL DAAWUD IBSAA: No one is perfect. Stay calm, no matter what happens. You have to be proud of yourself for rescuing our “Golden Stool” and saving it from barrage of attacks from Lencho Lata. You saved the Oromo flag, brought it back and gave it back to the owners, the Oromo people who will take care of it. You took a single alaabaa with you when you left and, because of you, there are forty million alaabaas in the homes of the Oromo today. You kept the struggle alive and that is how history will remember you.
4. TO JAAL MARRO AND JAAL GOLICHAA DHEENGEE: Now is the time for you to take a decisive and historic step. Take over the OLF and declare that YOU ARE THE OLF. If you don’t do this, Abiy Ahmad will declare the destruction of the OLF – a front that has been in existence since 1974. Please keep in mind that the destruction of the OLF is one of the assignments the Amhara gave to their fellow Nafxanya, Abiy.
5. TO THE OROMO PEOPLE: You should keep in mind that this is another sabotage in a series of many in many years and you should not be demoralized by the news of Lencho’s dismantling of Shane. Lencho has proved in hundreds of occasions that he is not on your side. Anyone who works with Abiy Ahmad is Abiy Ahmad himself. And you know what Abiy Ahmad is doing to the Oromo people. He killed more Oromos in his two-year tenure than TPLF in its twenty-seven years and don’t forget that Lencho is Abyis’ advisor in all this. Now, more than ever, you know your enemy.

Opposition Figures Held Without Charge

–Ethiopian authorities have been detaining dozens of opposition members and journalists for prolonged periods and often without charge since late June 2020, raising serious rights concerns.

A month after one of the most violent spates of unrest in the country’s recent history, police and prosecutors need to publicly account for all detainees’ whereabouts, comply promptly and fully with court bail orders, and ensure easy and regular access to lawyers and relatives for those not released.

“The actions of Ethiopia’s investigative authorities raise concerns that they have not moved on from past practices of arresting first, and investigating later,” said Laetitia Bader, Horn of Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The authorities should promptly bring credible charges based on clear facts and evidence against the detainees or ensure their release.”

The arrests follow the June 29 killing of a popular Oromo artist and activist, Hachalu Hundessa, in Addis Ababa, the capital. Hachalu’s death triggered unrest and violence in several towns, particularly in the Oromia region, and left at least 178 people dead from both civilians and law enforcement. Some were mourners and protesters, killed by security forces when they opened lethal fire. Attacks on mainly ethnic and religious minority communities in Oromia also resulted in killings, massive property destruction, and displacement.

Human Rights Watch interviews with lawyers, relatives, and people released from detention found that detentions and investigations have been marred by serious due process violations.

Oromia police authorities withheld the whereabouts of several Oromo Liberation Front members from their lawyers and relatives for over a month and denied access to both even after lawyers discovered where they were held, Human Rights Watch found. Refusal to disclose the whereabouts or fate of someone in detention constitutes an enforced disappearance, a serious violation of human rights, a crime under international law, and prohibited in all circumstances.

Dictatorship in the Making! PP

PM Abiy Ahmed just removed Defense Minister Lemma Megersa, Tayiba Hasan, and Milkeessa Midaksa – individuals who played a decisive role in the struggle that paved the way for Abiy’s premiership, from the ruling party. Lemma Megersa literally put Abiy first & Abiy turned against Lemma shortly after assuming power and long before Lemma knew what was going on.

Teyiba Hassan is one of the first OPDO's to have spoken against the regime in no uncertain terms. I still remember her address when she visited Oromos displaced from the Somali region.

Shortly after assuming power, Abiy used his newfound power, the yes-men within the then OPDO, and the rent that comes with state power to marginalize individuals he saw as a threat to his vision of resurrecting the inglorious reactionary feudal state and his ambition to become, well, the 7th King. In fact, while telling the public that Lemma is "the brother who leads him in secret", he was working to render him irrelevant.

This PM is so delusional and spiteful that his grandiosity and messiah complex, along with his neo-neftegna enablers, now represent the greatest danger to the future of the Ethiopian state. He is full of certitude (considerably religious) but zero sense of history, and the resilience of structural forces. The country is already tethering on the brink and it is only a matter of time before it plunges into its depths. #justice

How has the name #Qeerroo been used politically ?

How has the name #Qeerroo been used politically and what makes it difficult to understand who #Qeerroo is in today's context?

1. # Qeerroo (natural and original name)

2. # QeerrooGanamaa (political name of the first youth movement that joined the OLF in the early 1970s

3. #FDG (Revolt against subjugation and oppressive regime organized by young people (mainly high school and university students who were actively involved under the leadership of the OLF in 2004/5 _2007)

4. # QeerrooBilisummaaOromo (Oromo youth movement for Freedom and Democracy organized and mobilized by the OLF from 2011 to today).

So many similar names have been used during the #OromoProtests to divide the Oromo youth movement.

The name #Qeerroo or #QeerrooOromoo, sometimes promoted by activists and sometimes by those in power (intentionally to destroy the power of #QeerrooBilisummaaOromo by using different names such as;- #Qeerroo, #QeerrooOromoo, #QeerrooHaaromsa #QeerrooNagayaa and lately in 2017, #Foollee). The reason for naming #Foollee was: - 1) Innocent people, especially those who campaigned for the #Gadaa system and worked hard to restore the weakened #Gadaa system, and 2. The regime and its supporters use this name highly with the evil intention to divide and eliminate the well-organized  #QeerrooBilisummaaOromoo and the spirit of #Oromummaa, #Oromonationalism and Oromo unity. Some of us asked them to refrain from such a wrong policy that would go against the interests of the Oromo nation, but no one listened to us. The grave mistakes they made would be condemned and remembered by the generation to come.

But a few months later, the 'state mafia'- Abiy Ahmed began to divide Oromos and declared #Commandpost over more than 8 zones in western Oromia and southern Oromia. These (activists and their followers) people failed to condemn the power abuse of their "reformist" government. With so much evidence on social media and brutal acts against our people, they hesitated to condemn #Abiy's evil deeds and never said a word about it. We told them that one day the enemy would come to them and that when the time came they could not get anywhere and it was time to speak for our voiceless people.

They did not care, they tried to convince the public that it was the people or the freedom fighter's crime and not the regime's mistake to destroy the peasants' livelihoods and killing people who spoke against the government.

Abiy soldiers murdered innocent people, raped mothers and daughters in their homes and robbed families. At the same time, the truth was distorted by these guys, or their silence had a considerable impact on our people in these critical moments; instead, they preached to our people to be patient for a while, if not their actions against the regime would bring failure 'reform.'