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Sunday, December 18, 2022

A year after their Gada leaders’ brutal execution Karrayyu community get “neither justice nor peace”

JUSTICE FOR KARRAYYU ABA GEDA'S

 On 31 November around 41 members of Gada leaders of the pastoralist Karrayyu community were rounded up by government security forces at a place called Motoma, in Fentalle District of East Shoa Zone, Oromia region, while they were on a prayer ritual. 14 out of those arrested including the leader, Abba Gadaa Kadir Hawas Boru were brutally executed on 01 December while the rest were taken to prison. Council of Oromo Gada Leaders later said one of those arrested was tortured and died in prison. 

The Oromia regional government had initially said the members of Karrayyu Gada leaders were killed by armed group Oromo Liberation Army but later, officials exposed that the perpetrators were government security forces. MP Hangassa Ibrahim took it to Facebook accusing regional police commissioner Ararsa Mardasa to have played a role in the killings, while State minister for Peace ministry Taye Dendea said the topmost leaders of the regional government were to bear responsibility for the killing of the Gada leaders.

The Ethiopia Human Rights Commission (EHRC) conducted an investigation and subsequently released a report in February in which it said there’s “reasonable ground to believe” that the killing of 14 members of the Gadaa leaders constitutes “extrajudicial killing” by security forces. EHRC also urged that members of the security forces who committed the crime should be brought to justice and that the victims and families of the victims should be redressed.

Residents say attacks by Amhara militants have been intensified since the killings of the Abba Gadaas. A member of the Karrayyu community who spoke to Addis Standard said the community neither got justice nor peace after their leaders were killed. “We haven’t been successful in uncovering the truth about the killing of our Gada leader. Because the killing involves government officials and is carried out by government security forces, they have continued to conceal the truth saying that “Shane” did it” he said.

Gobana Hola, Abba Gadaa himself and secretary of the Oromo Gada leaders council witnessed that the council had publicly implicated the government for the killings despite contrasting reports. He added that the council had sent elders to the Oromia regional president’s office and to the prime minister’s office demanding an explanation over the killings of the Karrayyu Gadaa leaders.

“Oromia regional president’s office has admitted that the Gada leaders were killed by mistake. Mistakes are inevitable for someone who is working. During that time Karrayyu was under command post and the Gada leaders were conducting rituals. They were arrested and killed by mistake,” Abba Gada Gobana said.

However, Gada Hawas, a brother of the deceased Abba Gada Kadir Hawas strongly feels otherwise. He told  that, “the Gada Leaders were deliberately killed after their names and respective roles in Gada were identified” adding that the killing intended to weaken the Karrayyu community and its Gada rule.

Both Gada Hawas and the member of the Karrayyu community said the compensation was done as an attempt to obstruct justice, and the process was incognizant moral damage done to the community.

“The process of compensation carried out by the council of Gada leaders was an attempt to informally pay few people in the community so that they go on the media and declare that reconciliations were made. But it failed because those few people refused to do so until the perpetrators were held accountable,” the member of Karrayyu community said.

Gada Hawas on his behalf accuses the council of Gada leaders of aligning with the government. “Karrayyu has its own customs of performing reconciliation and redress. There was no option to pursue that way. The council wanted to pay money and silence the community,” he added.

“There is money paid, but that doesn’t fulfill the customs of redress. The way it was decided and paid isn’t right. As the family of the deceased Abba Gadaa, what we know is that there has been no redress. There should have been someone admitting guilt and absolution should have happened accordingly,” he said

He added that due to attempts by different interest groups to pit the Karrayyu community against its neighbors and also against government security forces for the sake of political gains, the community has lived in instability for long .

“Currently, the Karrayyu community is in a concerning security situation. Several killings have been committed even after the massacre of our Gada leaders. We reached a point where we don’t even know who is killed and who is alive. It is difficult to put into words the misery of our community,” a member of the Karrayyu community said.

Saturday, December 10, 2022

Horrifying escalation of violence in Oromia region.

 Last week we are witnessing the horrifying escalation of violence in Oromia region.

Evil Act Of Fano captured

Footage is being released of people being burned alive by soldiers and human heads being paraded on pikes by Fano militants. Every few days brings news of another massacre. The government is using drones and jets to dominate its own people. The region is becoming a human slaughterhouse.
What we are witnessing is not new. The Ethiopian empire was built on this gruesome violence in Oromia and other regions of Ethiopia. Today, this hellish destruction of life is either the empire desperately grasping to complete itself or its death fever.
This much is clear: Until this imperial past is confronted, there will be no peace in Ethiopia. What the world fails to understand is that this past *is* the present and perhaps also the future for millions of Ethiopians. For some, it is seen as their historic right and divine destiny. For others, it is seen as their historic trauma and deadly oppression.
All people of good will must denounce this unburied imperial past and cry out for ceasefire, dialogue, and a political solution. Millions of innocent lives are at stake, especially women, children, and the elderly.
2. Ethiopia’s Undead Imperial Past
The respected historian Harold Marcus documented how the Ethiopian state was built by this imperial violence in his authoritative 1975 book “The Life and Times of Emperor Menelik II.” Reading this dry academic book about Ethiopia 130 years ago is so painful because it is so much like Oromia, Tigray, and elsewhere in Ethiopia today. As Faulkner said, “The past isn’t dead; it isn’t even past.”
Read Marcus’s description of how the Fano militia served as the forerunner of the imperial army. It seems little has changed besides the destructive force of modern weapons. Marcus writes:
“An ad hoc group of fighters, the Fano lived entirely off of the land and by their wits. Armed with lances, swords, and shields, they preceded the main [imperial] force, provided intelligence reports, and kept the enemy off balance with surprise attacks. All these fighters augmented the king’s standing army… Once in enemy territory, the Fano moved one or two days’ march ahead of the main force, devastating the deserted countryside… Those who refused to disclose the enemy’s whereabouts and where the cattle were concealed were shot immediately” (65-66).
This is exactly what we saw in the Tigray war and what we are seeing in the Oromia war.
Marcus is clear about how Menelik’s Shoan military would then follow Fano’s terror:
“[Soldiers would] return to camp with women and children; captive able-bodied males and the elderly were killed. The severity of the zemecha [campaign] was aimed at the eradication of all resistance…
Whenever the army surged forward, there was the utmost devastation; houses were burned, crops destroyed, and people executed. Two or three violent attacks occurred during any one campaign until the camp overflowed with booty and prisoners. Only when the remaining enemy authorities decided to surrender did the commanders-in-chief halt the assaults.
After a formal act of submission, looting and burning were forbidden over a people now Menelik’s subjects. The king, or his surrogate, then assigned a Shoan nobleman with his retinue and some colonists to reorganize and administer the ravaged land, while the main force returned home. Once in safe territory, the booty was divided, and the king received one-half to two-thirds of the total… Despite Menelik’s wish to divert as much of this lucrative trade as possible into Shoa, the violence of his expansion served to frighten traders away” (67).
This is the pattern we see today: (1) Fano and other identitarian militias violently attacking across borders; (2) the federal government exploiting this carnage for its advantage; and (3) the catastrophic destruction of human life and the devastation of local economies. There is no denying these painful realities.
One of the burning questions for peace in Ethiopia today is this: can “Ethiopia” and “Ethiopianism” be decoupled from the Ethiopian *empire*?
Many people, especially in groups like Fano, see that empire as their legacy and inheritance. Thus, they see doing what Fano did as their right and unfinished destiny — not merely as an anomaly of conflict. This is why I don’t believe these atrocious massacres are accidental. The difference is that we now have smart phones and social media to watch it happening.
This has been dramatically escalated by PM Abiy militarizing the entire civilian population in his war campaign against Tigray in which Fano was a crucial force. Abiy has knowingly re-activated that total war mentality of the imperial state-building project from 130 years ago.
And this is why millions of Ethiopians want nothing to do with “Ethiopia.” If being “Ethiopian” means being part of the Ethiopian *empire*, they know what that looks like and where it goes. They understandably do not want a repeat of that nightmarish past.
This is the crossroads the country faces: undead empire or unborn multiethnic democracy?
A crucial task for Ethiopian leaders today is to articulate a future for Ethiopia that is not a rerun of the imperial past marked by (1) terroristic identitarian militias, (2) imperial/federal domination, and (3) the mass-production of poverty via the looting of regional economies for the federal government’s enrichment. What many refuse to admit is that the discourse of “unity” and “Ethiopianism” evokes these painful memories for millions of historically othered *Ethiopians.*
What does a non-imperial, genuinely democratic Ethiopia look like?
Leaders who can imagine and advocate for *that* vision have the best chance of preventing the country from shattering itself like the former Russian empire. A foreign expert who has worked in the country for decades recently told that, “Ethiopia is like a dead whale that is being torn apart by sharks.” Sadly, he sees the country moving in the direction of Somalia — a country on paper that is really a collection of warring clicks.
By contrast, Jawar and some others have been repeatedly calling for the end of militarized conflict, a national dialogue, and a just peace through political negotiation. Ironically, Jawar has begun to seem extremely moderate and one of the few prominent political voices insisting that more war can only destroy Ethiopia.
Bittersweetly, Jawar has been more vocally committed to peace than many others who claim to follow the Prince of Peace who proclaimed, “Blessed are the peacemakers.” Thank God, we Christians have much to learn from our nonChristian neighbors. Doing so begins with humility and repentance.
One way or another, the Ethiopian empire is dying. Suicide or surrender are the two options. It will either die by killing itself. Or it will die by facing the past, letting go of it, and giving birth to a new democratic future.
There is no other way forward for Ethiopia. And “Ethiopia” means Ethiopian PEOPLE — the ones who are being burned alive and paraded on pikes, NOT a nostalgic fantasy or abstract idea. People, not power. People, not profit. People, not popularity. People, our precious neighbors made in God’s holy image!
May the empire be surrendered. May a democratic, multiethnic democracy be born. May peace prevail among people.

Sunday, December 4, 2022

When they couldn't face the TRUTH, Abiy Ahmed supporters trying to silence me.

 Abiy's regime cadre's and his supporters trying their best to silence me from being the voice to voiceless Oromo Community. This are the Proof from one of many attempts. The screen shot picture showing below is my Facebook Account that was suspended for a month because of many complaints about the post in it. The fact is completely different from the reason of suspension . One thing they don't understand is that NO ONE CAN STOP me from being the VOICE til i die. I will continue advocating JUSTICE , FREEDOM and DEMOCRACY . I will continue exposing liesof Abiy's regime and showing the fact on the ground .

THE TRUTH ALWAYS WINS!


#JUSTICE

#FREEDOM

#DEMOCRACY 

#StopKillingPeople





Ashenafi Tessema


Thursday, December 1, 2022

๐Œ๐ฎ๐ซ๐ง๐š๐š ๐Ÿ๐ข ๐†๐š๐ซ๐ž๐ž๐ง ๐…๐ข๐ฑ๐ข๐ง๐ฌ๐ข ๐‹๐š๐ฆ๐ฆ๐ข๐ข๐ฅ๐ž๐ž ๐Ž๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ๐ข๐ฒ๐š๐š ๐ˆ๐ซ๐ซ๐š๐ญ๐ญ๐ข ๐€๐ค๐ค๐š ๐‘๐š๐ฐ๐ฐ๐š๐ญ๐š๐ฆ๐ฎ๐ฎ๐Ÿ ๐–๐š๐š๐ฆ๐ข๐œ๐ก๐š ๐†๐จ๐๐ก๐š๐ง ๐ˆ๐ญ๐ญ๐ข ๐†๐š๐š๐Ÿ๐š๐ญ๐š๐ฆ๐จ๐จ ๐๐ก๐š. / แ‰ แŠฆแˆฎแˆšแ‹ซ แ‹œแŒŽแ‰ฝ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แŠฅแˆแ‰‚แ‰ต แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแˆแŒธแˆ แŒฅแˆช แ‰ แˆ›แ‰…แˆจแ‰ฅ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹จแˆšแŒˆแŠ™ แ‰กแ‹ตแŠ–แ‰ฝแŠ“ แŠฃแŠซแˆ‹แ‰ต แ‰ฐแŒ แ‹ซแ‰‚แ‹Žแ‰ฝ แŠ“แ‰ธแ‹

 แ‰ แŠฆแˆฎแˆšแ‹ซ แ‹œแŒŽแ‰ฝ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แŠฅแˆแ‰‚แ‰ต แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแˆแŒธแˆ แŒฅแˆช แ‰ แˆ›แ‰…แˆจแ‰ฅ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹จแˆšแŒˆแŠ™ แ‰กแ‹ตแŠ–แ‰ฝแŠ“ แŠฃแŠซแˆ‹แ‰ต แ‰ฐแŒ แ‹ซแ‰‚แ‹Žแ‰ฝ แŠ“แ‰ธแ‹

แ‹จแŠฆแŠแŒ แˆญแ‹•แˆฐ-แŠฃแŠ•แ‰€แŒฝ -แˆ…แ‹ณแˆญ 26 แ‰€แŠ• 2022แ‹“แˆ


“แ‹“แˆฃแŠ• แˆˆแˆ›แˆตแ‹แ‹แ‰ต แ‰ฃแˆ•แˆฉแŠ• แˆ›แ‹ตแˆจแ‰…” แ‰ แˆšแˆ แˆตแˆ แ‰ แˆฐแˆ‹แˆ›แ‹Š แ‹œแŒŽแ‰ฝ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒˆแ‹ แ‹แŒŠแ‹ซแŠ“ แŠฅแˆแ‰‚แ‰ต แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแ‰€แŒฅแˆ แ‹จแ‰ฅแˆแŒฝแŒแŠ“ แ‰ฃแˆˆแˆฅแˆแŒฃแŠ• แŠฃแ‰ถ แแ‰ƒแ‹ฑ แ‰ฐแˆฐแˆ› แ‹ซแ‰€แˆจแ‰ แ‹ แŒฅแˆช፣ แˆฐแŠ” 28แ‰€แŠ• 2022แ‹“แˆ “แˆฝแˆแ‰… แ‰ฐแ‹‹แŒŠ แŠƒแ‹ญแˆŽแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‰ แŒ‹แˆซ แˆ›แˆตแ‹ˆแŒˆแ‹ต” แ‰ แˆšแˆ แˆตแˆ แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆšแ‹ซ แŠญแˆแˆ แ•แˆฌแ‹แ‹ณแŠ•แ‰ต แŠฃแ‰ถ แˆฝแˆ˜แˆแˆต แŠฃแ‰ฅแ‹ฒแˆณแŠ“ แ‹จแŠฃแˆ›แˆซ แŠญแˆแˆ แ•แˆฌแ‹แ‹ณแŠ•แ‰ต แŠฃแ‰ถ แ‹ญแˆแ‰ƒแˆ แŠจแ‹แˆˆ แ‰ แˆ˜แŒˆแŠ“แŠ› แ‰ฅแ‹™แˆƒแŠ• แ‹ˆแŒฅแ‰ฐแ‹ แ‹จแ‹˜แˆญ แˆ›แŒฅแ‹แ‰ต แŒฅแˆช แŠ แ‹ˆแŒ።

แ‰ แ‹šแˆ…แˆ แ‰ แ‰ฅแˆแŒฝแŒแŠ“ แ“แˆญแ‰ฒ แˆ˜แŠ•แŒแˆตแ‰ต แŠฃแ‰€แŠ“แŒ…แŠแ‰ต แ‰ แˆบแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แ‹จแˆšแ‰†แŒ แˆฉ แˆฐแˆ‹แˆ›แ‹Š แ‹œแŒŽแ‰ฝ แˆ…แ‹ญแ‹ˆแ‰ณแ‰ธแ‹แŠ• แŠ แŒฅแ‰ฐแ‹‹แˆ፣ แ‰คแ‰ตแŠ“ แŠ•แ‰ฅแˆจแ‰ต แ‹ˆแ‹ตแˆŸแˆ፣ แ‰ แˆ˜แ‰ถ แˆบแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แ‹จแˆšแ‰†แŒ แˆฉแ‰ต แ‰ แ‰€แ‹ฌแŠ แ‰ธแ‹ แ‰ฐแˆแŠ“แ‰…แˆˆแ‹‹แˆ።

แˆˆแ‹˜แˆ˜แŠ“แ‰ต แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆžแŠ• แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฅ แแˆ‹แŒŽแ‰ต แˆˆแˆ˜แˆตแ‰ แˆญแŠ“ แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆžแŠ• แ‹จแŠแŒปแŠแ‰ต แ‰ตแŒแˆ แŒŽแˆซ แˆ˜แŠ“แ‹ต แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแˆตแ‰ตแˆซแ‰ฐแŒ‚ แ‹ญแ‹˜แ‹ แˆฒแŠ•แ‰€แˆณแ‰€แˆฑ แ‹จแ‰†แ‹ฉ แŠ แŠซแˆ‹แ‰ต፡ แŠฆแˆฎแˆšแ‹ซ แ‹œแŒŽแ‰ฝ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แˆ‹แ‹ˆแŒแ‰ต แ‹จแ‹˜แˆญ แˆ›แŒฅแ‹แ‰ต แ‹ˆแŠ•แŒ€แˆ แŒฅแˆช แŠจแ‹ˆแŠ•แŒ€แˆ‰ แˆแŒปแˆšแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แŒ‹แˆญ แˆƒแˆ‹แŠแŠแ‰ฑแŠ• แˆŠแ‹ˆแˆตแ‹ฑ แ‹ญแŒˆแ‰ฃแˆ።

แ‹จแŠฃแˆแ‰ฃแŒˆแŠแŠ‘แŠ• แ‹จแ‰ฅแˆแŒฝแŒแŠ“ แˆ˜แŠ•แŒแˆตแ‰ต แŒ‹แ‹ณ แ‰ฐแˆธแˆฝแŒŽ፣ แŠจแˆตแˆญแ‹“แ‰ฑ แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆฐแŒ แ‹แŠ• แˆตแˆแŒฃแŠ• แ‰ แˆ˜แŒ แ‰€แˆ፣ แˆˆแ‹˜แˆ˜แŠ“แ‰ต แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆžแŠ• แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฅ แแˆ‹แŒŽแ‰ต แ‰ แˆ˜แŒปแˆจแˆญ แˆฒแˆฐแˆซ แ‹จแ‰†แ‹จแ‹แŠ“ “ แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฅ แ‰ตแŒแˆ แˆตแˆ‹แˆฐแŒ‹แŠ แŠแ‹ แ‹ˆแ‹ฐ แ‰ตแŒแˆ แ‹จแŒˆแ‰ฃแˆแ‰ต” แ‹จแˆšแˆˆแ‹ แ‹จแŠขแ‹œแˆ› แ“แˆญแ‰ฒแ‹ แˆ˜แˆช แ•แˆฎแŒแˆฐแˆญ แ‰ฅแˆญแˆƒแŠ‘ แŠแŒ‹แŠ“ แ‰ฐแŠจแ‰ณแ‹ฎแ‰น แ‰ แ‰ฐแˆˆแ‹ซแ‹ฉ แˆ˜แŒˆแŠ“แŠ› แ‰ฅแ‹™แˆƒแŠ•แŠ“ แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฃแ‹Š แˆ˜แ‹ตแˆจแŠฎแ‰ฝ แˆ‹แ‹ญ “แˆธแŠ”แŠ• แˆ›แŒฅแ‹แ‰ต” แ‰ แˆšแˆ แˆตแˆ แ‰ แŠฆแˆฎแˆšแ‹ซ แ‹œแŒŽแ‰ฝ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹จแ‹˜แˆญ-แˆ›แŒฅแ‹แ‰ต แ‹˜แˆ˜แ‰ป แ‰ แˆ›แ‹ˆแŒ… แˆ‹แ‹ญ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแˆšแŒˆแŠ™ แ‰ แŒแˆแŒฝ แ‹ญแ‰ณแ‹ซแˆ።

แŠฆแˆฎแˆžแŠ• แŠจแ‹ฐแˆ˜แŠ› แŒ แˆ‹แ‰ฑ แ‰ แˆ˜แ‰แŒ แˆญ แŠจแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฅ แแˆ‹แŒŽแ‰ต แ‰ แ‰ฐแŒปแˆซแˆช แ‹จแˆšแˆฐแˆซแ‹ แ‹ญแˆ… แ‰ แ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ต แˆตแˆ แŠฅแ‹จแ‰ฐแŠ•แ‰€แˆณแ‰€แˆฐ แ‹ซแˆˆแ‹ แ‰ฃแˆˆแˆตแˆแŒฃแŠ• แŠจแ‹ตแˆญแŒŠแ‰ฑ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแ‰†แŒ แ‰ฅ แŠฅแŠ•แŒ แ‹ญแ‰ƒแˆˆแŠ•።

แŠจแ‹šแˆ… แ‰€แ‹ฐแˆ แŠจแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฅ แ‹จแŠแŒปแŠแ‰ต แ‰ตแŒแˆแŠ“ แŠจแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แ‰ณแŒ‹แ‹ฎแ‰ฝ แ‹ซแˆˆแ‹แŠ• แˆตแŒ‹แ‰ต แ‰ แ‰ฐแˆˆแ‹ซแ‹ฉ แŒฝแˆแŽแ‰ฝ แ‰ แˆ›แ‰…แˆจแ‰ฅแŠ“ แ‹จแˆตแˆ แˆ›แŒฅแ‹แ‰ต แ‹ตแˆญแŒŠแ‰ถแ‰ฝแŠ• แˆฒแˆแŒฝแˆ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแŠแ‰ แˆญ แ‹ญแ‰ณแ‹ˆแˆณแˆ።

แ‹›แˆฌ แˆ‹แŒˆแŠ™แ‰ต แˆตแˆแŒฃแŠ• แ‰ แˆฉแŠ• แ‹จแŠจแˆแ‰ฐแ‹ แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แ‰ตแŒแˆ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘ แˆ˜แ‹˜แŠ•แŒ‹แ‰ต แ‹จแˆˆแ‰ แ‰ตแˆ።

แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฅ แ‹จแ‹˜แˆ˜แŠ“แ‰ต แแˆ‹แŒŽแ‰ตแŠ“ แˆแŠžแ‰ฑ แˆˆแˆ†แŠแ‹ แˆˆแŠแŒปแŠแ‰ฑแŠ“ แˆˆแˆƒแŒˆแˆฉ แˆ‰แ‹“แˆ‹แ‹ŠแŠแ‰ต แˆ˜แˆณแŠซแ‰ต แˆˆแ‹แˆ˜แŠ“แ‰ต แ‰ตแŒแˆ แŠฅแ‹ซแŠซแˆ„แ‹ฐ แ‹ญแŒˆแŠ›แˆ። แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แ‹ˆแŒฃแ‰ถแ‰ฝ(แ‰„แˆฎ) แŠฅแŠ“ แ‰ แŠ แŒ แ‰ƒแˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฅ แ‰ แˆ˜แˆ‹แ‹ แŠฆแˆฎแˆšแ‹ซ แ‹แˆตแŒฅ แ‹ฐแˆ™แŠ• แŠฃแแˆตแˆถ แŠฃแˆแ‰ฃแŒˆแŠแŠ‘แŠ• แ‹จแ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ”/แŠขแˆ•แŠ แ‹ดแŒ แˆ˜แŠ•แŒแˆตแ‰ต แ‰ขแ‹ซแˆตแ‹ˆแŒแ‹ตแˆ፡ แ‹จแ‰„แˆฎ แ‹ตแˆ แ‰ แˆ˜แŒ แˆˆแ‰ แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แ‹ˆแŒฃแ‰ถแ‰ฝ(แ‰„แˆฎแˆ) แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฅแˆ แ‹จแŠแŒปแŠแ‰ต แ‰ตแŒแˆ‰แŠ• แ‰€แŒฅแˆˆแ‹‹แˆ።

แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฅ แ‰ตแŒแˆ‰แŠ• แŠฃแŒ แŠ“แŠญแˆฎ แˆ˜แ‰€แŒ แˆ፡ แ‹จแˆŒแˆŽแ‰ฝแŠ• แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฆแ‰ฝ แŠฅแŒฃ แˆแŠ•แ‰ณ แˆˆแˆ›แˆแŠ• แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ณแˆแˆ†แŠ แˆˆแ‹“แˆ˜แ‰ณแ‰ต แ‰ฃแŠซแˆ„แ‹ฐแ‹แŠ“ แŠฅแ‹ซแŠซแˆ„แ‹ฐแˆ แ‰ฃแˆˆแ‹ แ‰ตแŒแˆ แ‰ แˆ˜แˆฌแ‰ต แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‰ แ‰ฐแŒแ‰ฃแˆญ แŠ แˆตแˆ˜แˆตแŠญแˆฏแˆ።

แ‰ตแŠ“แŠ•แ‰ตแˆ แˆ†แŠ แ‹›แˆฌ แ‹จแˆซแˆตแŠ• แ‹•แ‹ตแˆ แ‰ แˆซแˆต แ‹จแˆ˜แ‹ˆแˆฐแŠ• แˆ˜แ‰ฅแ‰ฑแŠ•แŠ“ แŠแŒปแŠแ‰ฑแŠ• แŠฅแ‹แŠ• แˆˆแˆ›แ‹ตแˆจแŒ แŠซแˆˆแ‹ แแˆ‹แŒŽแ‰ต แŠฅแŠ•แŒ‚፡ แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฅ แ‹จแŠแŒปแŠแ‰ต แ‰ตแŒแˆ แŒฅแˆ‹แ‰ถแ‰ฝ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแˆšแˆ‰แ‰ต แŠ แˆˆแˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แŠแŒปแŠแ‰ต แŒแŠ•แ‰ฃแˆญ แŠ แŒฅแ‰ฅแ‰† แ‹ซแˆณแˆตแ‰ฃแˆ።

แ‰ แˆ˜แŒจแˆจแˆปแˆ แ‰ แŠฆแˆฎแˆšแ‹ซ แ‹แˆตแŒฅ แŠฅแ‹จแ‰ฐแŠซแˆ„แ‹ฐ แˆ‹แˆˆแ‹ แ‹จแ‹˜แˆญ แˆ›แŒฅแ‹แ‰ต แ‹ˆแŠ•แŒ€แˆ แ‰ฐแŒจแˆ›แˆช แ‹จแŠฅแˆแ‰‚แ‰ต แŒฅแˆช แ‰ แˆ›แ‰…แˆจแ‰ฅ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹จแˆšแŒˆแŠ‘แ‰ต แ‹จแ‰ฅแˆแŒฝแŒแŠ“ แˆ˜แŠ•แŒแˆตแ‰ตแˆ แˆ†แŠ แ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ตแŠ“ แŒแˆˆแˆฐแ‰ฆแ‰ฝ แ‰ แˆƒแŒˆแˆชแ‰ทแŠ“ แ‰ แŠฃแˆˆแˆแŠ แ‰€แ แˆ…แŒŽแ‰ฝ แˆ˜แˆฐแˆจแ‰ต แ‰ฃแˆˆแ‰แ‰ต แ‹“แˆ˜แ‰ณแ‰ต แˆˆแ‹ฐแˆจแˆฐแ‹แŠ“ แŠฅแ‹จแ‹ฐแˆจแˆฐ แˆ‹แˆˆแ‹ แŠฅแˆแ‰‚แ‰ต แ‰ฐแŒ แ‹ซแ‰‚แŠแ‰ต แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ณแˆˆแ‰ฃแ‰ธแ‹ แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แŠแŒปแŠแ‰ต แŒแŠ•แ‰ฃแˆญ(แŠฆแŠแŒ) แ‹ซแˆณแˆตแ‰ฃแˆ። แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฅ แŒฅแˆ‹แ‰ปแŠ“ แŒฆแˆญแŠแ‰ตแŠ• แ‰ แˆ›แ‰ฃแ‰ฃแˆต แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹จแˆšแŒˆแŠ‘แŠ™แ‰ตแŠ• แˆแˆ‰ แˆˆแˆ˜แŠจแˆ‹แŠจแˆ แŠญแŠ•แ‹ฑแŠ• แŠฃแŒ แŠ“แŠญแˆฎ แˆˆแŠแŒปแŠแ‰ตแŠ“ แˆˆแ‹ฒแˆžแŠญแˆซแˆฒ แŠฅแ‹ซแŠซแˆ„แ‹ฐ แ‰ฃแˆˆแ‹ แ‰ตแŒแˆ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแ‹ซแ‰ฐแŠฉแˆญแˆ แ‰ฃแˆณแˆฐแ‰ฅ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ˆแ‹ณแˆˆแŠ•።แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แŠแŒปแŠแ‰ต แŒแŠ•แ‰ฃแˆญ แ‰ แ‰ฐแˆˆแ‹ซแ‹ฉ แŒŠแ‹œแ‹ซแ‰ต แ‰ แ‰ฐแ‹ฐแŒ‹แŒ‹แˆš แˆฒแ‹ซแ‰€แˆญแ‰ฅ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแŠแ‰ แˆจแ‹ แŒแ‹ตแ‹ซแŠ•፣ แŒฆแˆญแŠแ‰ตแŠ• แˆˆแˆ›แˆตแ‹แ‰ตแŠ“ แˆฐแˆ‹แˆแŠ• แˆˆแˆ›แ‹ฐแŠ“แ‰€แ แŠฅแ‹จแ‰ฐแˆแŒธแˆ˜ แ‹ซแˆˆแ‹แŠ• แ‹ตแˆญแŒŠแ‰ต แˆˆแˆ›แˆตแ‰†แˆ แˆแˆ‰แˆ แ‹œแŒ‹ แ‹จแ‰ แŠฉแˆ‰แŠ• แˆšแŠ“ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแŒซแ‹ˆแ‰ต แ‰ แ‹ตแŒ‹แˆš แŒฅแˆช แŠฅแ‹ซแ‰€แˆจแ‰ฅแŠ•፣ แˆˆแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แŠขแˆแ“แ‹จแˆญ แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แ‰ฝแŒแˆฎแ‰ฝ แˆแˆ‰แŠ•-แŠ แ‰€แ แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แ‹แ‹ญแ‹ญแ‰ต แŠฅแ‹แŠ• แˆˆแˆ›แ‹ตแˆจแŒ แˆแˆ‰แˆ แˆ˜แˆตแˆซแ‰ต แŠ แˆˆแ‰ แ‰ต แŠฅแŠ•แˆ‹แˆˆแŠ•።

แ‹ตแˆ แˆˆแˆฐแŠแ‹ แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฅ!

แ‹จแŠฆแˆฎแˆž แŠแŒปแŠแ‰ต แŒแŠ•แ‰ฃแˆญ

แˆ•แ‹ณแˆญ 26 แ‰€แŠ• 2022แ‹“แˆ

แŠแŠ•แŠแŠ”፡ แŠฆแˆฎแˆšแ‹ซ

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๐Œ๐ฎ๐ซ๐ง๐š๐š ๐Ÿ๐ข ๐†๐š๐ซ๐ž๐ž๐ง ๐…๐ข๐ฑ๐ข๐ง๐ฌ๐ข ๐‹๐š๐ฆ๐ฆ๐ข๐ข๐ฅ๐ž๐ž ๐Ž๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ๐ข๐ฒ๐š๐š ๐ˆ๐ซ๐ซ๐š๐ญ๐ญ๐ข ๐€๐ค๐ค๐š ๐‘๐š๐ฐ๐ฐ๐š๐ญ๐š๐ฆ๐ฎ๐ฎ๐Ÿ ๐–๐š๐š๐ฆ๐ข๐œ๐ก๐š ๐†๐จ๐๐ก๐š๐ง ๐ˆ๐ญ๐ญ๐ข ๐†๐š๐š๐Ÿ๐š๐ญ๐š๐ฆ๐จ๐จ ๐๐ก๐š.

Waamicha lolaa itti fufuu fi fixiinsa  lammiileef maqaa “ qurxummii bal’eessuuf galaana gogsuu” jedhuun qondaalli PP Obbo Fiqaaduu Tasammaa godhe, Waxabajjii 28/2022 “Maqaa humna riphee lolaa waloon dhabamsiisuu” jedhuun piresidaantiin naannoo Oromiyaa Obbo Shimallis Abdiisaa fi Piresidaantiin naannoo Amaaraa Dr. Yiliqaal Kaffaalee karaa sabaa himaaleen gadi bahuun waamicha duguggaa sanyii labsan. Kunis qindeessummaa mootummaa Partii Biltsiginnaan lubbuun lammiilee nagaa kumootaan darbee, qe’ee fi qabeenyi mancaa’ee, kuma dhibbootaan kan lakkaawaman qe’ee ofii irraa buqqaafamanii jiru.

Hawwii barootaaf ummata Oromoo cabsuu fi mooraa qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo xiqqeessuu jedhu tarsiimoo godhatanii kanneen socha’an waamicha duguuggaa sanyii lammiilee Oromiyaa irratti raawwataniif, qaama duguuggaa kana rawwataa jiru waliin itti gaafatamummaa fudhatuu qabu.

Gola mootummaa abbaa irree PP maadheffatuun, aangoo waahilummaa PP kan argate, fedhii ummata Oromoo dura dhaabbatuuf barootaaf kan hojjetaa ture, “qabsoo Oromootu na sodaachisnaanan Qabsoo seene” kan jedhu hogganni jaarmiyaa siyaasaa EZEMA Prof. Birhaanu Naggaa fi hordoftootni isaa  waamicha duguuggaa sanyii maqaa “shanee bal’eessuu” jedhuun, lammiilee Oromiyaa irratti karaa sabaa himaalee fi waltajjii ummataa adda addaa irratti godhaa jiraachuun ifatti mul’ata. Hogganni maqaa jaarmayaa siyaasaan sossohuu fi Oromoo diinomsatuun faallaa Oromoo hojjetu kun gocha isaa kana irraa akka dhabbatu gaafanna. 

Armaan dura yaaddoo qabsoo fi qabsaawaa Oromoo irraa qabu karaa barruu adda addaa waggootaaf barreessaa fi maqa-bal’eessii adda addaa rawwaata turuun ni yaadatamaa.

Aangoo har’a argatan kanaaf karra kan bane qabsoo Oromoo ta’uun dagatamuu hin qabu. Ummatni Oromoo fedhii fi hawwii isaa kan ta’e Bilisummaa fi Walabummaa biyya isaa argachuuf barootaaf qabsootti jira. Qeerroon Bilisummaa Oromoo fi waliigalatti ummatni Oromoo guutuu Oromiyaa keessatti dhiiga isaa dhangalaasee mootummaa abbaa irree wayyaanee/EPRDF karaa irraa maqsus, injifannoon Qeerroo waan butameef, Qeerroonis ummatni Oromoos qabsoo bilisummaa itti fufan.

Ummatni Oromoo qabsoo isaa itti fufuun hiree ummatoota kaanii ukkaamsuuf akka hin taane qabsoo isaa waggaata dheeraan mirkaneessee jira lafa irratti. Kaleessas har’as fedhii hiree ofii ofiin murteeffachuuf qabuu fi walabummaa isaa  mirkaneessuuf qabsoo itti fufe malee, akka jal’ootni itti qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo ibsaa jiran akka hin taane Addi Bilisummaa Oromoo gadi jabeessuun hubachisa.

Dhuma irratti mootummaa Biltsiginnaas ta’e, jaarmiyaan namoota dhuunfaan  duguuggaa sanyii Oromiyaa keessatti rawwatamaa jiruuf waamicha dabalataa godhan akka seeraa biyya fi idil-aduunyaatti dhumaatii waggoota darban kana rawwatamee fi raawwatamaa jiruuf itti gaafatamummaa akka qaban Addi Bilisummaa Oromoo, ABOn ni hubachiisa. Ummatni Oromoo jibbiinsaa fi lola kanneen babal’isan kana of irraa ittisuuf gurmuu isaa akka jabeeffatee qabsoo bilisummaa fi demokraasiif godhu irratti akka fuulleffatu hubachiifna.

Addi Bilisummaa Oromoo, yeroo adda addaa akkuma irra deddeebi’ee waamicha godhaa ture, ajjeechaa, lola babal’isuu fi nagaaf gufuu tahuu deemaa jiru dhaabsisuuf, lammiileen hundi qooda isaanii akka ba’atan ammas irra deebinee waamicha gochaa, rakkoo siyaasaa impaayara Itoophiyaaf marii siyaasaa hunda galeessaaf hundi hojjachuu qaba jenna.

Injifannoo Ummata Bal’aaf!

Sunday, November 20, 2022

An Oromo singer goes missing from police custody, family accuses Oromia region police of extrajudicial killing

 


Oromo singer Damiso Mosissa has gone missing after spending more than a year in police custody, a family member told, adding that his families were unofficially informed by a member of Oromia police that the singer was killed. They accuse Oromia security forces of extrajudicially killing him, the family member added.

Oromia police arrested Damiso on 06 June 2021, shortly after he attended the launching ceremony of his friend’s book in Nekemte city, in East Wollega Zone of the Oromia Regional State. Family members of the singer were unable to visit the detainee since his detention due to police’s refusal to disclose his whereabouts, according to the family member who spoke on conditions of anonymity.

“The information about the death of Damiso came from a member of the Oromia police who had contacted with his family. According to the information, Damiso was moved with another prisoner to a military camp located in Arjo Dhedhesa and then killed by members of the police three or four months ago,” the source said.

A friend and colleague of Damiso who also asked to remain anonymous told that the singer’s family have been desperately trying to locate him since he was arrested. “His parents have tried their best to search for their son. They repeatedly requested the Oromia police force. They even traveled to Addis Abeba in case he was transferred to another detention center. However, they couldn’t uncover any information about him,” he said.

His families are unable to recover Damiso’s body, even after they were informed about his death.

The police did not officially press charges against Damiso or explain the reason of his arrest. “We don’t know why he was arrested, and police did not accuse him of any crime explicitly,”his friend added.

Singer Damiso was a musician and poet who rose to fame with his music album called ‘Lafee dhugaaf cabe’ which can be roughly translated as ‘bones broken into pieces for the sake of truth’. His song, Ha Birmannuuf Kaanee, carry a message that call on the Oromo people to rise up fight against oppression. Addis Standard learned from friends and sources that following the release of his album, he had been receiving criticisms and threats from security forces.

The Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), said on 06 November 2022 that the group’s fighters broke into Kumsa Moroda, a museum turned-military camp and prison in Nekemte city, where Damiso was believed to have been detained at and set over 100 prisoners free on 06 November 2022, after which Damiso’s disappearance was noticed.

#StopKillingOromo #StopTheKilling #Justice #Freedom #StopDroneAttackInOromia  #FreeAllPoliticalPrisoners 

Wednesday, November 9, 2022

Abiy's regime drones attacked innocent Oromo civilians in an open market in Mendi killing many. Stop killing innocent Oromo civilians!

 

Witnesses say new fighting in Ethiopia’s Oromia kills dozens


Intense fighting between Ethiopian government forces and Oromo Liberation Army rebels in the country’s Oromia region has led to “several dozen” casualties in the past week, witnesses tell The Associated Press.

A witness in the West Wollega area town of Bila said he saw bodies scattered on the ground following an alleged aerial attack on Nov. 2 by what he described as a “small flying plane” or possible drone.

“It was a market day, and students were leaving school,” the witness said, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of retribution. “I have lost count of the dead, but several dozen people were killed and injured.”

Witnesses in recent attacks in Oromia have blamed Ethiopian forces.

A priest in Bila said his church members buried 11 victims of what he described as a drone attack. He said hundreds of people were injured and sent to nearby hospitals.

The attack was followed by heavy fighting Sunday morning between Abiy's PP forces and the OLA in the town of Nekemte in the East Wollega area.

The spokesman for the Oromo Liberation Army, Odaa Tarbii, tweeted that the rebel group’s fighters “rescued over 120 political prisoners” during an operation in Nekemte on Sunday. It claimed “several regime military installations” there were destroyed.

The OLA asserts that it stands for the security and self-determination of the Oromo people.


Sunday, November 6, 2022

Dr.Ali Birra from 1947- 2022 .'The light in our Dark Times'

 ๐—Ÿ๐—ฒ๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฑ Dr. ๐—”๐—น๐—ถ ๐—•๐—ถ๐—ฟ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ was born in ๐—˜๐—ฎ๐˜€๐˜ ๐—›๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ด๐—ต๐—ฒ. OROMIA

Dr Ali Birra

Ali Birra born in ๐——๐—ถ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐——๐—ฎ๐˜„๐—ฎ (๐—š๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฎ ๐—ž๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ) born Sep 29, 1947 is a famous Oromo singer, composer, poet and nationalist. He was born in Ganda Kore village in the city of Dire Dawa, Ethiopia.
Ali Birra was born in Dire Dawa (Ganda Kore).
His parents were separated when he was three years old, after which he was brought up by his father. He attended Arabic school as a child where he learnt Arabic language. He then enrolled in local academic school and pursued his education till the sixth grade.
In his early years, Ali used to do small on-street business so as to support himself as a means of livelihood. When he was 13, he joined Afran Qallo cultural group which was then oprerating unofficially to promote the Oromo music and culture. The first song that he sang on stage was called "Birra dha Bari'e" so that the people nicknamed him "Ali Birra," meaning "Ali the Spring". The Haile Selasie regime banned the group in 1965 and arrested some of its members. Ali escaped arrest and moved to Addis Ababa.
After he settled in Addis Ababa, he was engaged in different activities along with singing. On this occasion, Ali came to know the nationalist Ahmad Taqi, and the latter bought him a guitar so that Ali could sing more widely. His fame increased dramatically throughout the city. He had ability to sing in Amharic, Arabic, Harari, and Somali languages, in addition to Oromo, his mother tongue. This had gained him appreciation from different personalities including Eyoel Yohannes, at the time the head of Kibur Zebegna, so that Eyoel recruited him as a solo singer in Oromo. He joined other famous singers such as Mahmoud Ahmed, Tilahun Gessesse and Bizunesh Bekele.
While he was within the group, he could travel to all regions of the country and show his talent to his admirers. He also traveled to the Sudan repeatedly and sang with well known celebrities like Mohammed Wardi. When he was in Addis Ababa, he would perform in large venues such as Hager Fiker and Ras Teyater, but following a discussion with his father, he left Addis Ababa. In the early 1970s, at the breakout of the Ethiopian revolution, Ahmad Taqi was killed in eastern Ethiopia while fighting the government army. Ali Birra mourned deeply and sang metaphorically,
Yaa Hundee Bareeda
Yaa Finxee Midhaga
(Hundee was another name for Ahmad Taqi.)
Ali Birra continued his career both as a musician and a composer. He produced his first album in 1971, the first in the history of Oromo music. He then recorded successful hits such as "Hin Yaadin", "Asabalee", "Ammalelee", and "Gamachu". His albums included Sudanese songs such as "Al-Habib Ween" and Harari songs such as "Yidenqal".
A Swedish admirer of Ali Birra, who had been a vice-secretary at the Swedish Embassy in Addis Ababa, asked him for marriage. Ali agreed and married her in 1985, her name was Birgitta ร…strรถm born in Stockholm, Sweden (21 July 1942 – 13 September 2009). In 1986, Ali's wife was transferred to Saudi Arabia, and Ali accompanied her to the country. But Ali faced difficulties in Saudi Arabia, and proceeded to Sweden, where he lived for two years. In 1988, he went to the United States to attend the Los Angeles Arts Academy. He graduated in 1990, and by 1992, he had released his first two albums outside of Ethiopia amid increasing international fame. He also conducted many concerts and festivals in many countries, including the 2005 Enkutatash (Ethiopian New Year) celebration at the Addis Sheraton.
The distinctive of Ali Bira’s music is his culturally embedded lyrics which deployed to inform, educate, mobilize and lead the Oromo nation into unity, liberty and cultural pride. His lyrics always speak to the moment, explaining events and processes, counseling restraint when times are tough and encouraging protest when political impact seems possible. The theme of Ali’s songs always focused on the exalation of the Oromo nation and the liberation of the people from oppression. As such, his lyrics celebrated everything Oromo: the nation, the land, and the indigenous cosmology. Here is the English rendition of some of his influential songs include:
Galma adda kenya eega seenaa keenya:
The repository of our culture, the protector of our history
The vanguard of our unity, and foundation of our liberty
The Oromo language, the root of Oromo identity.
Barnoota, barnoota ammas barnoota:
Knowledge, knowledge, and knowledge again
Self-knowledge is the Oromo destination
Authentic knowledge is rooted in history
Its source is our national heritage and the shared culture
The Oromo language is the center pole and the peak
It is self-knowledge that will set us free.
As of August 2009, Ali Birra reported that he had recently been treated for colon cancer, but planned to continue performing music, in spite of reports that his most recent album would be his last.
Awards
In 1995, Ali received the Toronto African Merits Award. In 2010, Ali received an honorary doctorate from Jimma University.
Rest in Peace, Adeeroo!

Thursday, November 3, 2022

The Tyranny, Oppression and Killings of the Oromos by the Abiy's Regime that Stuck to power at gunpoint must end.

 The Tyranny, Oppression and Killings of the Oromos by the Regime that Stuck to power at gunpoint must end.


The Oromo people’s struggle that the precious sons and daughters have spearheaded has been betrayed and usurped by those power mongers when it was on the verge of achieving its final objectives.
The Oromos lost their freedom through guns; they continue to suffer under the gun. A people like the Oromo, whose struggle is sabotaged by conspirators; and who continues to suffer under the inhumane and abusive regime, should fasten its belt to free itself from tyranny.
The Oromo Liberation Front strongly condemns all forms of repression, killings of unarmed civilians, unlawful detention, disappearances, and displacement of the Oromos, a citizen of Oromiya and all Ethiopians.
The Oromo Liberation Front has decided to wage a struggle through peaceful means and returned to Oromiya in 2018. Our proposal for the problem of the country through political and peaceful means was rejected by the party in power. Yet the problem of the country went from bad to worse.
The Oromo people continued to suffer. The regime continued to protect its power through the burel of the gun than searching for a peaceful political solution.
On October 20 2022, the Ethiopian Air Force, commanded by the Prosperity Party, launched air strike in Western Showa Zone, 70 km from Finfinnee, in Meta Walqite District, Minare town, killed more than 70 civilians on the spot.
On October 22 and 23, 2022, in Eastern Showa Zone, Fantalle District; Western Showa Zone, in Metta Waliqixxe, Chobi, Gindeberete Districts; Eastern Wollega Zone, Nuunnuu Qumba District conducted an air raid and killed more than 100 people, and money other wounded.
On November 01, 2022, in Western Oromiya, Mana Sibu District, in Waama Tobar, another air raid was conducted, and a civilian death was recorded. Civilians named Elias Abdulkadir, Shiek Jafar Kedir Atomsa, Mujahid Kedir, Nazir Ahmed, Zamira Adem, Qasim Nagasa and Qannoo Jireegna were instantly killed by the air raid. In the same zone, Qiltu Karra District and Gori kebele, a massive bomb was dropped to terrorize the people.
On November 02, 2022 a deadly air raid was conducted in Western Oromia, Najo District, Bila town, and more than 80 civilians were reported killed.
The urges the International Community, Human Rights groups and the UN should break their silence and condemn such barbaric acts by the regime in power. It is incumbent on all peace-loving individuals and groups to act against such inhumane behaviours.
Last but not least, we call upon all Oromos everywhere to act in unison and end the age-old abuse, killings, and suffering that have become a daily occurrence in Oromiya.
Victory to the Masses!
Oromo Liberation Front
November 2022
Finfinnee.

Tuesday, October 25, 2022

Killing Oromo will never STOP our struggle for FREEDOM!

 Residents say drone strike killed dozens of civilians in West Shewa, Oromia; OLF and OFC condemn relentless airstrikes across Oromia

STOP KILLING OROMO!

A resident of the area, who did not want to be named for security reasons, told that several civilians were killed in a sudden drone strike in Kale area around 11:00 am local time on Sunday October 23. “Even though I couldn’t mention the exact figure, many people have died. Many are injured. Many of our district residents died,” Resident of Chobi district, confirmed the attack by adding that at least 68 people were confirmed dead and over 100 people are wounded as of Monday morning in Sunday’s drone strike.
“As of Monday morning, 68 bodies have been found. The search continued as many people fled to the forest at the time of the attack. The victims are from an elderly father of 10 children upto a nursing mother with her child who were killed in the attack. There are also many wounded. Even the injured are not receiving treatment as health services have been blocked in our area due to security problems,” Kebede said.
“Drone strikes have been increasing in our area since lately,” said Kebede, a resident of Chobi district, adding that even funerals are held nightly as there is fear of attacks. He said the security situation in the region remained threatening after the attack.

Spokesman of Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), Odaa Tarbii, said in an October 24 post on his Twitter account that there had been six drone strikes “targeting civilians” and “killing hundreds of people” in the Oromia region since October 20. According to Odaa Tarbii, “150 people have been confirmed dead” in attacks in Meta Welkitie and Chobi districts of West Shawa zone alone.

Meanwhile, after Sunday’s attack in the district, another airstrike “targeting a school” in Chobi district on Monday morning killed several students, according to Odaa Tarbii’s subsequent tweet published on Tuesday, 25 October, with footage showing dead bodies, including students who wore school uniforms falling to the ground. 

#StopKillingOromo #StopDroneAttack #FreeAllPoliticalPrisoners #justice #freedom

Sunday, October 23, 2022

At least 30 people killed in an attack in East Wollega zone of Oromia

 At least 30 people killed in an attack in East Wollega zone of Oromia

STOP KILLING US!!!

Fikadu Hunde, administrator of Kiramu district, told the VOA that at least 30 people were killed in the attack in four villages in Kiremu district, in East Wollega zone of Oromia regional state by armed Fano militants. the attacks took place last week, on 15 October in which more than 50 houses were also burned, according to the local official.
Fikadu referred to the perpetrators as,“Fanno militants” who were organized in the name of Amhara community in the area; some of whom lived there and some of whom came from Horro Guduru zone, he said, adding that the victims include an elderly as old as 75 years old. The perpetrators used “illegal and unauthorized weapons” in the attacks in four villages: “Gudina Jiregna, Cheffe Soruma, Burka Soruma and Nachino villages in Kiramu district. A total of 30 people, 29 men and one woman, were killed in the attack,” the local official said.

A resident of the district who want to give information under the condition of anonymity also told the media that he and seven of his family members had fled Gudina Jiregna village due to the attack. “Early in the morning, without anyone knowing, they went around the village and started shooting. There was no way out and many people were killed there, and some people fled. There are many injured,” he said.
The resident said the attackers were “armed Amhara militants who came from the Amhara region, where they get training” and further described the attackers as those “who grew up among us and speak our language. They know the village, they went there [to the Amhara Region] and get trained and came back fully armed.”
“Everyone from Gudina Jiregna village is completely displaced,” the witness said, adding that the reason for the attack was to “displace these people from their land and take the land” and “destroy Shane” (a reference to the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) which know by the government as OLF/Shane). “But it is not Shane that they are killing but the civilians,” the resident added.
The witness also claimed that government security forces were in the town but refused to take immediate action. “The government security forces were in town. When we asked why they kept quiet, the answer was ‘we were told to stay in the city and wait for Shane not to enter, but we have not been ordered about any other thing.

Dr. Diriba Abdenna, a resident of Nekemte city, the capital of East Wollega zone, also told the VOA that he lost his father in the attack. “I lost my 85-year-old father, Abdenna Duressa. Those who could have fled, but my father could not escape. He was shot dead while sitting at the door. Six people from the village, including him, were killed. They killed many elders who could not escape. All those who died in that village are like family to us. We are now sitting in Nakemte together in mourning. Our people died while the government security forces were in the city.”

The militants also burned more than 50 houses and looted cattle, said district administrator Fikadu Hunde, adding that the government security forces were moved elsewhere for work during the attack, which made it hard for them to counter the attack.

“Half of the security force went to Horro Guduru zone and half were in this district so that the enemy would not capture the area. But there are also times when information is missing. However, as soon as the attack took place, the militia in the district went and stopped the shooting and calmed the situation.”

Residents and officials in the region are often accuse Fano militants for attacks at various times in Horro Guduru and East Wollega zones of Oromia region.

On 06 September, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) released a report stating that more than 60 people from the Oromo community were killed in two days of attacks in by armed men from the area and those from neighboring districts of the Amhara Regional State. Although the commission’s report did not mention militants known as Fano, it confirmed that the killing of civilians on August 30-31 in Amuru district, Horro Guduru Wollega zone.