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Friday, March 21, 2025

The politics of drought and pastoralism in Ethiopia

 Government policies undermine pastoralism, officially viewing it as “unsustainable” compared to agriculture. As a result, during cyclical droughts or floods that impact pastoralist communities, successive governments and regimes have turned a blind eye, failing to implement anticipatory measures or support recovery efforts after crises.

In the heart of the Awash Valley, in the semi-arid lands of the Fantalle District in Ethiopia’s Oromia region, pastoralism has sustained the Karrayyu #Oromo – a population of 130,000 – for centuries. Currently, however, the Karrayyu are facing an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. A prolonged and severe drought, compounded by recurrent seismic activity, has devastated their livelihood. Since November 2024, the region has experienced a series of gradual yet intensifying earthquakes, with both the magnitude and frequency increasing over time. These tremors have significantly disrupted pastoralist lifeways, rendering vast stretches of pastureland unusable, uprooting trees, releasing clouds of toxic gas, making boreholes dysfunctional and leading to the destruction of entire villages.

Fantalle District comprises 18 administrative villages (kebeles), the smallest units of governance under Ethiopia’s administrative system. Among these, seven villages have been entirely displaced, with their inhabitants now categorized as internally displaced persons (IDPs). The scale of displacement continues to grow as environmental shocks persist, placing immense pressure on already scarce resources. The combined effects of the ongoing drought and seismic disturbances threaten not only the survival of the Karrayyu Oromo people but also the stability of the region as a whole. Urgent intervention is required to address the mounting humanitarian needs and mitigate further displacement.

Due to insufficient rainfall last summer, the district is already experiencing drought conditions at the maximum level of tolerance. If the dry spell continues any longer, the situation will escalate into a full-blown crisis. These conditions indicate that the community has already exhausted its traditional rangelands, spanning from north to south and west to east, in search of viable grazing areas. However, the recent earthquake has further exacerbated their predicament, disrupting access to these critical rangelands. This obstruction prevents them from utilizing the full extent of their grazing lands, which are essential for their resilience during extreme droughts.

The district has long endured historical injustices regarding rangeland access and land rights. Over the years, it has lost approximately 65% of its ancestral land—territory that was not only resource-rich but also fundamental to the community’s ability to withstand environmental shocks and sustain their livelihoods. The dispossession of these lands has had profound consequences, as the most fertile and strategically important areas have been repurposed for large-scale agricultural and development projects whose products are exported out of the area, such as sugarcane, fruit, and cotton plantations.

 Over the past six years, —especially districts and zones such as Borana, Oromia—have been increasingly neglected. Support mechanisms have diminished, leaving these communities to face recurring droughts and environmental hardships with little to no external assistance. As a result, the burden they now carry is staggering—both in human and economic terms. Livelihoods have been decimated, food and water shortages have intensified, and the very survival of these pastoralist societies is under grave threat. The price they are paying is enormous and beyond imagination, as they struggle against the compounded effects of climate change, policy neglect, and dwindling resources.

Looking at the past, particularly in the southern part of the country, the Borana Zone of the Oromia region has faced severe and recurrent droughts, leading to catastrophic livestock losses. Over the course of three consecutive failed rainy seasons, the Borana pastoralist community lost approximately 3.8 million livestock, a devastating blow to their livelihoods and cultural heritage. Initially, the Borana people relied entirely on their own resilience and resourcefulness to survive. For nearly a year and a half, they sold their goats and sheep to purchase fodder in an effort to sustain their remaining livestock. However, as the drought persisted into the second year, their resources were depleted, and they ran out of animals to trade. As a result, their livestock began to perish in alarming numbers, pushing them further into economic and food insecurity.

Despite the escalating crisis, the government systematically obstructed any meaningful humanitarian response that could have provided lifesaving aid to the Borana people. Through a highly controlled bureaucratic system, relief efforts were either delayed or outright blocked, preventing timely intervention that could have mitigated the suffering. Even as the situation worsened, the government refused to officially recognize the unfolding disaster as a “humanitarian crisis,” effectively undermining any large-scale relief initiatives.

This deliberate inaction not only exacerbated the suffering of the Borana community but also raised serious concerns about the role of governance in crisis management. By failing to acknowledge the severity of the drought and its impact, the government’s response—or lack thereof—illustrated a broader pattern of neglect and control over humanitarian assistance, leaving vulnerable populations to bear the brunt of environmental catastrophes alone.

Without immediate national and international intervention, the smallest and most vulnerable communities—face the very real threat of annihilation. In this context, drought is no longer just a natural phenomenon; it has been weaponized as a means of eradicating pastoral livelihoods and, with them, centuries of indigenous knowledge and cultural identity.


Saturday, February 22, 2025

Human Rights Under Siege: How security forces in Oromia fuel terror, fear to control residents through lawlessness

  In mid-January 2025, Human Rights Watch (HRW) published its overview of the human rights situation in Ethiopia for 2024. The report stated that human rights continue to be violated, pointing to extrajudicial killings, unlawful imprisonments, arbitrary arrests, attacks on civilians, and restrictions on freedoms of expression. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) moreover reported that Ethiopia is among the worst jailers of journalists in Africa. The Freedom House ranked Ethiopia as “not free” in 2023, and the World Justice Project’s Rule of Law Index for 2024 ranked Ethiopia at 134th place (of 142 countries).

These reports are, unfortunately, similar to those issued over the last years and read like “business as usual” in Ethiopia. This is, I argue, not the case. I believe that the human rights situation is not only significantly worse, but also that the reasons, motivations, and nature of human rights violations are new and quite unprecedented. Yet again, the international community ignores what is going on and is without much hesitation supporting the sitting Abiy Ahmed government and its copious projects on urban beautification.

On 14 January, prominent Oromo Politician Jawar Mohammed asked his Facebook followers to send stories and pictures of murders committed by militia members. In response, numerous stories were posted, not only accounting for killings but also on how the militia and local administrators were harassing, extorting money, and arresting people on a daily basis. A few days later, a video showing a young boy being executed point-blank by uniformed men was shared on social media. Since then, additional videos of a young boy being executed have appeared on social media.

Claims shared on social media should always be treated carefully, but in this case the posts speak to a pattern and, moreover, confirm findings from my own recent research on human rights violations in Oromia. What has emerged is a situation without law and order where government agencies at the grassroots level are acting with little or no accountability and culpability in harassing people. Rampant corruption and impunity are key drivers here, and the region’s insecurity has made labeling people as supporters of the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) a rewarding means to extract money. The central government’s demands for increased revenues have exacerbated the situation as tax collection has become similar to criminal extortion schemes. Control is, in other words, maintained through lawlessness, and security is preserved through insecurity.

While the Reuters report was detailed and revealing, it failed to understand that the Koree Nageenyaa is not only one committee at the regional level but something replicated at zonal and district levels throughout Oromia, working in parallel to institutions like the Bulchiinsaa Nageenyaa. It usually has five members, and at the district level, it consists of the district head, the head of the district security office, the police chief, and others. The Koree Nageenyaa operates as a rather informal institution, coming together on an ad hoc basis at the different levels. While its jurisdiction is unclear, what is apparent is that the very structure of the Koree Nageenyaa has enabled the government to enact security measures far removed from the public eye.

The current government’s mechanisms for control are far cruder and blunter compared with the era of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Particularly important and directly affecting people’s lives at the grassroots level are the local militias and the so-called Gaachana Sirnaa. The militia has its root in the abiot tebeqa  created during the Derg period. What is new is the establishment of a separate Office of the Militia in Oromia in 2021, the subsequent growth in the number of militias, and the extended authority they are given. Members of the militia are given uniforms—for which the local people are forced to pay—and are sometimes armed.

 The local militia can label anyone for being an OLA supporter and collect money. The common phrase is that “someone comes to you and says that we have credible information that you have links to this and that organization.” No further evidence is needed, and everybody knows it is about money. Refusal to pay easily leads to arrests, and the collaboration between local law enforcement agencies and government offices ensures the person remains in jail. Once there, “you don’t get out unless you pay.” One source told the story about a relative who was detained, accused of having links to OLA, but “the real reason was that they needed money from him… I had to pay 45,000 birr to have him released.”

The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) also documented how boys as young as 11 years old across Oromia had been subject to enforced conscription. As different zones and districts had been given quotas of boys to be recruited, local officials had to resort to forced conscription in order to meet the target. The military does not normally accept enforced conscripts, but those rounded up are often reluctant to report their cases, being afraid of reactions from local officials when they are sent back to their home areas.

Rampant corruption is a key reason for the current situation. While both the Derg and the EPRDF governments invested much in combating corruption, mechanisms put in place to curtail this loosened after 2018, and recent studies show that corruption has become a major problem in Ethiopia. Transparency International ranked Ethiopia 98th (of 180) on its corruption index in 2023, and increased public corruption is said to have “strongly affected socioeconomic development and governance.” Interlocutors across Oromia all testified to corruption being present at all levels, becoming “part of the official system,” and something “out of control.” As a result, it has become nearly impossible to get any public services without paying bribes.

It is difficult to exaggerate the impact of these tax increases, which come at a time when a worsening economic situation had already severely affected people’s livelihoods. Inflation has remained high and salaries stagnant, and while inflation has eased some over the last year, it has contributed to a poverty rate of ca. 69%, and estimations said that inflation would drive an additional 10 million people into poverty during 2024.

While this alone has created a nearly unbearable situation for ordinary people, the current situation with lack of law and order and rampant corruption has significantly exacerbated the conditions. The new tax regime has created opportunities for local authorities to overcharge the people at will. This is particularly true in the rural areas, and one source described the conditions as: “There is no law at all; it’s anarchy… anybody can ask for anything.”

 This new situation has not only led to an increase of human rights violations, but they have created a situation of unpredictability and randomness. While people with certain profiles previously would be considered at risk, this is not the case anymore. Anyone can be targeted. The current situation of lawlessness is moreover untenable, and the critical question is where people’s breaking point is. 


Monday, January 20, 2025

Ethiopia among worst jailers of journalists in Africa, CPJ says; six detained, five face terrorism charges

 Ethiopia has been listed among the worst jailers of journalists in Africa, with six journalists detained—five of whom are facing “terrorism” charges that could carry death sentences, according to the 2024 prison census by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), released Thursday.

CPJ reports that the sixth journalist, Yeshihasab Abera, was arrested in September 2024 during what authorities described as a “law enforcement operation” amidst “escalating tensions” and “mass arrests”in the region .

CPJ highlighted that Ethiopian authorities frequently employ “often-vague charges or convictions for terrorism or extremism” to imprison journalists.

Across Africa, Eritrea ranked as the worst offender, with 16 journalists imprisoned since the early 2000s without formal charges. Cameroon and Rwanda followed with five detained each, while Nigeria recorded four.

Globally, China led the list with 50 detained journalists, followed by Israel (43), Myanmar (35), Belarus (31), and Russia (30). CPJ documented at least 361 journalists imprisoned worldwide as of December 1, 2024, marking the second-highest total in its records.

In November 2024, CPJ’s five-year report presented at the UN’s Human Rights Council report revealed a significant decline in press freedom since Ethiopia’s last review. The report also addressed the lack of accountability in the killings of two journalists, physical assaults on media professionals, forced closures of media outlets, and restrictions on international journalists. “These rankings point to a broader concern. Over the last five years, Ethiopia has entrenched a pattern of arbitrarily detaining journalists,” CPJ warned, detailing the intesification of press freedom decline in Ethiopia compounded by arrests and exile of journalists amid political turmoil.

In its 2023 prison census, CPJ had designated Ethiopia as the third-worst country in Africa for the incarceration of journalists, with the tally of imprisoned Ethiopian journalists surging to eight that year.