The Death of Free Movement: Pontification from the sky and luxury resorts vs. Ethiopia’s reality

 When citizens cannot move freely, the state loses its most basic measure of legitimacy. Ethiopia today is a country divided by mobility, where the rulers travel above, and the ruled are trapped below.

In recent weeks, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and senior Prosperity Party (PP) officials and long-time confidants have embarked on a series of high-profile tours to luxury resorts and heritage sites scattered across Ethiopia’s far corners and built under the Prime Minister’s Gebeta Lehager (Dine for Ethiopia) initiative. The initiative incorporates these complementary luxury resorts like the Halala Kella resort, Gorgora Eco Resort, and the latest, Sof Omar Luxury Lodge and Cave Project, among others. They are not only there to transform the country’s natural and historical treasures into world-class destinations, but are telegraphed as the greatest opportunity for Ethiopians to “discover” their own country.

In principle, these projects aim to blend eco-tourism with community empowerment. In practice, however, they have become the stage for what many see as performative nationalism, a carefully choreographed display of “unity” and “prosperity” that contrasts sharply with the lived experiences of millions of Ethiopians who cannot move freely across their own country.

During his latest address to the House of Peoples’ Representatives on 28 October, Prime Minister Abiy offered a revealing metaphor: “we lead not as a taxi driver but as a bus driver,” he said, describing Ethiopia as a bus under the direct control of his government. But for countless Ethiopians – truckers, traders, students, and patients – this metaphor rings painfully hollow. Under this “driving,” large stretches of Ethiopia’s transport network have become zones of fear, extortion, and paralysis.

Just a month earlier, in September 2025, the Prime Minister himself had convened national security chiefs to discuss the worsening situation of “robberies and kidnappings” on the country’s roads. “The movement of people and goods is crucial for Ethiopia’s prosperity,” the statement he released after the meeting warned, promising for better coordination between security forces and the public to “systematically control robberies, kidnappings, and obstacles that occur in various places”. The acknowledgment was welcome, but the crisis has only deepened since.Across Ethiopia’s main commercial and passenger routes, particularly in Oromia region attacks, abductions, and road closures have become routine. In May 2025 alone, drivers’ associations reported more than 30 truck drivers were abducted in just two weeks on different routes in Amhara region, with dozens more incidents recorded elsewhere. Many roads remain closed for days or even weeks at a time.

According to recent findings by the state-appointed Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC), road closures, curfews, and widespread insecurity have severely restricted movement across multiple regions, a systemic collapse of safe passage that has fractured trade, family connections, and daily life. Earlier, officials from the Ministry of Revenues and the Customs Commission admitted before Parliament that hundreds of illegal checkpoints are now operated by regional authorities and other groups, especially in Oromia, using them for informal toll collection. It is a striking confession, but safe to say the federal government has effectively lost control over movement on its own highways.

A joint study released in July this year by the Ministry of Trade and Regional Integrationand the Ministry of Transport and Logistics has revealed the existence of a staggering 237 illegal checkpoints across Ethiopia, many established by regional police, militia structures, and local administrations under the pretext of creating “youth employment.”The Prime Minister’s metaphor of the bus driver may be meant to symbolize his ability to galvanize “unity” and laser-focused direction, but the lived reality for those who actually drive the roads in Ethiopia tells a different story. There is no better place to comprehended this contradiction than a regular visit to a poplar social media channel known as Ye Shoferoch Dimts (the voice of drivers). It is a channel where the stories of curtailed hours, ransom demands ranging from tens of thousands to millions of birr, detentions, beatings, and constant interruptions truckers come to light. For them, each journey is a gamble with violence and extortion.

While the ruling elite pose for photo opportunities at Sof Omar Caves or inaugurate new eco-lodges amid armed escorts and helicopters flights, those who move the country’s goods and people are stranded, endangered, or extorted. The narrative of “unity” and “nation-discovery” collapses into contradiction: a government celebrating mobility, while millions are immobilized. The Prosperity Party’s heritage tours and tourism campaigns are choreographed expressions of performative nationalism; a spectacle of “rediscovering Ethiopia” that assumes a secure and accessible country is a dissonance between elite tourism and basic immobility.But freedom of movement is not a privilege; it is the foundation upon which all other civic and economic rights depend. The EHRC’s findings and endless reports by this publication and other media outlets make clear that road travel across large parts ofthe country is increasingly unsafe and restricted by state and non-state armed actors and illegal levies. When the state cannot ensure safe circulation (when movement itself becomes hostage to violence) citizenship becomes a form of containment.

Simply put, a government’s legitimacy is not measured by the luxury of its lodges or the pageantry of its “nation-discovery” tours. It is measured by whether its citizens can move freely and safely within their own borders.

42 countries issue joint statement to UN expressing concern over shrinking civic space in Ethiopia

 Forty-two countries issued a joint statement to the United Nations expressing concern over the human rights situation in Ethiopia, citing restrictions on fundamental freedoms less than a year before the 2026 elections.

“We remain concerned about the challenging human rights situation in Ethiopia, including constraints on the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association,” the statement released last week said. It added, “We regret the closure of civic space in Ethiopia, including recent intimidation and suspension of civil society organizations.” The countries also noted concern about intimidation of independent media and journalists, calling for transparent investigations into such incidents.

The signatories said they “continue to be alarmed by the high number of human rights violations and abuses by both state and non-state actors,” as documented by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in its 2024 report. They further expressed grave concern over “the significant increase in grave violations against children, including the killing and maiming of children, sexual violence against children, and the abduction of children,” citing the 2025 report of the UN Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict.

“We call on the Government of Ethiopia and all other actors to take concrete action to end ongoing human rights violations and abuses in areas of conflict, including in  Oromia, and other regions” the statement continued. It urged an immediate end to “killings and injuries of civilians, torture, ill-treatment, enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests and detentions, and attacks on civic infrastructure, as well as extreme levels of sexual and gender-based violence by different actors.” The countries pressed authorities to uphold human rights nationwide, ensure justice and accountability, and adopt “a victim- and survivor-centered approach.”

The joint statement also expressed concern over the lack of progress in Ethiopia’s transitional justice process. It recalled that implementing a credible transitional justice and accountability framework is “not only crucial for the victims and survivors but also for ensuring lasting peace and reconciliation in the country.”

The countries further urged the Ethiopian government “to constructively cooperate with the UN and other protection actors and respect their independence,” while calling on all parties to refrain from further violations and abuses and to engage in peaceful dialogue to restore stability.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have both raised alarm over proposed amendments to Ethiopia’s Civil Society Organizations (CSO) Proclamation. Amnesty, in a statement on 18 August, warned that the changes would reverse recent legal reforms and amount to a “total closure of civic space,” accusing the Ministry of Justice of conducting the process “in strict secrecy” with consultations limited to government-aligned groups. Human Rights Watch similarly urged lawmakers to reject the draft, cautioning that it would grant the federal government sweeping powers to restrict nongovernmental organizations. Both rights groups called on Ethiopia’s international partners to press the government to halt the amendments and stressed that any reforms should comply with international human rights standards.

Ii is described the proposed amendments to the Civil Society Organizations (CSO) Proclamation as more than bureaucratic reform, calling them “a direct assault on freedoms of association, expression, and accountability.” The editorial warned that by granting the state sweeping control over funding, leadership, and activities of CSOs, the draft law revives the spirit of the repressive 2009 regime that silenced civic voices for nearly a decade. It further highlighted that vague “national security” clauses embedded in the draft could be used to shut down dissent and erode the remaining civic space, hallmarks of absolute authoritarian control. The editorial concluded that if enacted, the law would dismantle the hard-won gains of the 2019 CSO Proclamation.

The importance for immediate peace in Ethiopia and needs a united call for peace now more than ever

 Despite repeated assurances from Ethiopia’s political and military elite, the country stands at a critical inflection point. Sporadic conflicts in #Oromia and the other regions, and the continued use of military force continue to persist, and the potential unraveling of the Pretoria peace agreement is real. All of them have pushed the country to the edge. Ending these wars is not a matter of political preference, it is a matter of national survival. The question now is not whether peace is necessary, but whether there is enough collective will to demand and build it.

Peace is not simply the absence of war; it requires inclusive, functioning institutions that mediate conflict and foster justice. Unfortunately, Ethiopia’s institutions have shown little of the integrity or impartiality needed to fulfill this role.The Caucus of Ethiopian Opposition Parties has made clear, in a recent statement, the serious concerns regarding the legitimacy and conduct of two key national bodies: the National Dialogue Commission (NDC) and the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE). In the past, this publication argued that the NDC was established through a process that ignored vital contributions and amendments proposed by the opposition which will lead it to operate with exclusionary and partisan intent. Its failure to correct course and redeem its legitimacy in the eyes of all is symptomatic of a deeper malaise: the erosion of trust in its independence.

As the Caucus rightly warns, to proceed with elections under current conditions may invite not political resolution but further chaos.These failings underscore a broader national crisis: the entanglement of so-called independent institutions with the ruling party, and the transformation of public mechanisms into conduits of state control. When oversight bodies and civic processes are hollowed out, the state loses its moral legitimacy.

Political theorist Benedict Anderson argued that nations are imagined communities – social constructs held together by shared narratives, symbols, and collective memory. Nationhood, in his view, is not a fixed inheritance but an ongoing project of imagination and inclusion. This is especially true in societies where multiple histories, languages, and identities coexist in tension.In Ethiopia, however, the state continues to assert a singular national narrative, branding dissenting voices as threats to “unity.” But there is no sustainable unity that excludes.

Anderson reminds us that the most dangerous illusion is to confuse state authority with national identity. The nation is not the property of a party, a government, or even a historical myth. It is a space of negotiation, imagined and reimagined by all who belong to it. Today’s Ethiopia is fragmented not just by war but by a crisis of imagination. What vision binds its people together? What common future can be claimed in a nation where independent dialogue is suppressed, branded as a threat to national security, and elections are feared rather than welcomed?

Ethiopia’s future cannot be built on the ruins of its present. Every community has suffered. Every child kept from school, every mother who mourns a son, every family displaced by violence is part of this country’s unraveling. And yet, each of them also represents the possibility of rebuilding. Calls for peace are not acts of neutrality; in today’s Ethiopia, they are acts of patriotism. Ending war is no longer optional, it is the only path forward; it is a national interest. Let us silence the guns. Not in repression, but as the first step toward reconciliation. Let us reclaim Ethiopia as a shared, imagined community, one that belongs to all its people, not a privileged few. 

#Justice #Freedom #democracy

Justice Denied: One year since the assassination of Bate Urgessa, still No accountability. Time to break the silence and end impunity!

  One year has passed since the assassination of Bate Urgessa – a political officer of the opposition Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a fearless advocate for justice, and a man who, until his final breath, believed in the possibility of democratic change in Ethiopia. One year later, we are still waiting for accountability. We are still waiting for truth. We are still waiting for justice.

Instead, we are met with silence, stonewalling, and state-sanctioned intimidation. This publication was the first to report that Bate was ruthlessly assassinated by government forces. 

According to a damning letter obtained , the EHRC had, within days of Bate’s killing, unearthed compelling testimony and evidence suggesting the involvement of state security forces. Eyewitnesses described vehicles matching those used by government troops, armed men in the notorious “Ranger” uniform with red bonnets, and Bate being abducted and later executed – his hands tied, body riddled with bullets. The Commission even pinpointed the time and manner of the crime. Yet instead of its investigation gaining traction, the truth was buried under the unknown.

Instead of collaborating with the investigations to uncover the truth, Oromia regional government deployed its now-familiar playbook: deflect, deny, and denounce – accusing “political entities” of capitalizing on the tragedy while threatening journalists and rights advocates from reporting what the public has a right to know.

Several months later, Bate’s widow and his children were forced into life in exile.

Let us be absolutely clear: this is not just about one man’s murder – as horrific and unjust as it was. This is about the deliberate dismantling of the rule of law and accountability in Ethiopia. If a high-profile political figure like Bate Urgessa can be abducted, executed, and denied justice in full view of the public – with federal human rights bodies openly bullied into silence – or perhaps systematically collaborated to bury the truth – what does that say about the fate of ordinary citizens?

EHRC’s findings, however preliminary, deserve public release. The Commission’s silence since April 2024 is a failure of moral and legal responsibility. Its mandate is not optional; it is enshrined in law. The people of Oromia, the family of Bate, and indeed all Ethiopians deserve to know what it uncovered. Justice delayed is justice denied – and this delay is no longer defensible.

The federal government must also answer for its abdication. What steps have been taken to ensure EHRC’s preliminary findings are protected? Where is the response to calls from international stakeholders – from the U.S. and the European Union – who have demanded a credible, neutral investigation?

Instead of transparency, we are offered a year-long impunity. Instead of accountability, we are left in the dark. This is a mockery of justice.

Bate Urgessa’s life was stolen – not in the heat of conflict, not in a moment of chaos, but in what appears to be a premeditated, politically motivated execution. His legacy should not be fear. His memory must not be erased by bureaucratic cowardice or official denial. Ethiopia cannot afford to continue normalizing extrajudicial killings. To do so would be to forfeit our collective future.

The politics of drought and pastoralism in Ethiopia

 Government policies undermine pastoralism, officially viewing it as “unsustainable” compared to agriculture. As a result, during cyclical droughts or floods that impact pastoralist communities, successive governments and regimes have turned a blind eye, failing to implement anticipatory measures or support recovery efforts after crises.

In the heart of the Awash Valley, in the semi-arid lands of the Fantalle District in Ethiopia’s Oromia region, pastoralism has sustained the Karrayyu #Oromo – a population of 130,000 – for centuries. Currently, however, the Karrayyu are facing an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. A prolonged and severe drought, compounded by recurrent seismic activity, has devastated their livelihood. Since November 2024, the region has experienced a series of gradual yet intensifying earthquakes, with both the magnitude and frequency increasing over time. These tremors have significantly disrupted pastoralist lifeways, rendering vast stretches of pastureland unusable, uprooting trees, releasing clouds of toxic gas, making boreholes dysfunctional and leading to the destruction of entire villages.

Fantalle District comprises 18 administrative villages (kebeles), the smallest units of governance under Ethiopia’s administrative system. Among these, seven villages have been entirely displaced, with their inhabitants now categorized as internally displaced persons (IDPs). The scale of displacement continues to grow as environmental shocks persist, placing immense pressure on already scarce resources. The combined effects of the ongoing drought and seismic disturbances threaten not only the survival of the Karrayyu Oromo people but also the stability of the region as a whole. Urgent intervention is required to address the mounting humanitarian needs and mitigate further displacement.

Due to insufficient rainfall last summer, the district is already experiencing drought conditions at the maximum level of tolerance. If the dry spell continues any longer, the situation will escalate into a full-blown crisis. These conditions indicate that the community has already exhausted its traditional rangelands, spanning from north to south and west to east, in search of viable grazing areas. However, the recent earthquake has further exacerbated their predicament, disrupting access to these critical rangelands. This obstruction prevents them from utilizing the full extent of their grazing lands, which are essential for their resilience during extreme droughts.

The district has long endured historical injustices regarding rangeland access and land rights. Over the years, it has lost approximately 65% of its ancestral land—territory that was not only resource-rich but also fundamental to the community’s ability to withstand environmental shocks and sustain their livelihoods. The dispossession of these lands has had profound consequences, as the most fertile and strategically important areas have been repurposed for large-scale agricultural and development projects whose products are exported out of the area, such as sugarcane, fruit, and cotton plantations.

 Over the past six years, —especially districts and zones such as Borana, Oromia—have been increasingly neglected. Support mechanisms have diminished, leaving these communities to face recurring droughts and environmental hardships with little to no external assistance. As a result, the burden they now carry is staggering—both in human and economic terms. Livelihoods have been decimated, food and water shortages have intensified, and the very survival of these pastoralist societies is under grave threat. The price they are paying is enormous and beyond imagination, as they struggle against the compounded effects of climate change, policy neglect, and dwindling resources.

Looking at the past, particularly in the southern part of the country, the Borana Zone of the Oromia region has faced severe and recurrent droughts, leading to catastrophic livestock losses. Over the course of three consecutive failed rainy seasons, the Borana pastoralist community lost approximately 3.8 million livestock, a devastating blow to their livelihoods and cultural heritage. Initially, the Borana people relied entirely on their own resilience and resourcefulness to survive. For nearly a year and a half, they sold their goats and sheep to purchase fodder in an effort to sustain their remaining livestock. However, as the drought persisted into the second year, their resources were depleted, and they ran out of animals to trade. As a result, their livestock began to perish in alarming numbers, pushing them further into economic and food insecurity.

Despite the escalating crisis, the government systematically obstructed any meaningful humanitarian response that could have provided lifesaving aid to the Borana people. Through a highly controlled bureaucratic system, relief efforts were either delayed or outright blocked, preventing timely intervention that could have mitigated the suffering. Even as the situation worsened, the government refused to officially recognize the unfolding disaster as a “humanitarian crisis,” effectively undermining any large-scale relief initiatives.

This deliberate inaction not only exacerbated the suffering of the Borana community but also raised serious concerns about the role of governance in crisis management. By failing to acknowledge the severity of the drought and its impact, the government’s response—or lack thereof—illustrated a broader pattern of neglect and control over humanitarian assistance, leaving vulnerable populations to bear the brunt of environmental catastrophes alone.

Without immediate national and international intervention, the smallest and most vulnerable communities—face the very real threat of annihilation. In this context, drought is no longer just a natural phenomenon; it has been weaponized as a means of eradicating pastoral livelihoods and, with them, centuries of indigenous knowledge and cultural identity.

Human Rights Under Siege: How security forces in Oromia fuel terror, fear to control residents through lawlessness

  In mid-January 2025, Human Rights Watch (HRW) published its overview of the human rights situation in Ethiopia for 2024. The report stated that human rights continue to be violated, pointing to extrajudicial killings, unlawful imprisonments, arbitrary arrests, attacks on civilians, and restrictions on freedoms of expression. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) moreover reported that Ethiopia is among the worst jailers of journalists in Africa. The Freedom House ranked Ethiopia as “not free” in 2023, and the World Justice Project’s Rule of Law Index for 2024 ranked Ethiopia at 134th place (of 142 countries).

These reports are, unfortunately, similar to those issued over the last years and read like “business as usual” in Ethiopia. This is, I argue, not the case. I believe that the human rights situation is not only significantly worse, but also that the reasons, motivations, and nature of human rights violations are new and quite unprecedented. Yet again, the international community ignores what is going on and is without much hesitation supporting the sitting Abiy Ahmed government and its copious projects on urban beautification.

On 14 January, prominent Oromo Politician Jawar Mohammed asked his Facebook followers to send stories and pictures of murders committed by militia members. In response, numerous stories were posted, not only accounting for killings but also on how the militia and local administrators were harassing, extorting money, and arresting people on a daily basis. A few days later, a video showing a young boy being executed point-blank by uniformed men was shared on social media. Since then, additional videos of a young boy being executed have appeared on social media.

Claims shared on social media should always be treated carefully, but in this case the posts speak to a pattern and, moreover, confirm findings from my own recent research on human rights violations in Oromia. What has emerged is a situation without law and order where government agencies at the grassroots level are acting with little or no accountability and culpability in harassing people. Rampant corruption and impunity are key drivers here, and the region’s insecurity has made labeling people as supporters of the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) a rewarding means to extract money. The central government’s demands for increased revenues have exacerbated the situation as tax collection has become similar to criminal extortion schemes. Control is, in other words, maintained through lawlessness, and security is preserved through insecurity.

While the Reuters report was detailed and revealing, it failed to understand that the Koree Nageenyaa is not only one committee at the regional level but something replicated at zonal and district levels throughout Oromia, working in parallel to institutions like the Bulchiinsaa Nageenyaa. It usually has five members, and at the district level, it consists of the district head, the head of the district security office, the police chief, and others. The Koree Nageenyaa operates as a rather informal institution, coming together on an ad hoc basis at the different levels. While its jurisdiction is unclear, what is apparent is that the very structure of the Koree Nageenyaa has enabled the government to enact security measures far removed from the public eye.

The current government’s mechanisms for control are far cruder and blunter compared with the era of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Particularly important and directly affecting people’s lives at the grassroots level are the local militias and the so-called Gaachana Sirnaa. The militia has its root in the abiot tebeqa  created during the Derg period. What is new is the establishment of a separate Office of the Militia in Oromia in 2021, the subsequent growth in the number of militias, and the extended authority they are given. Members of the militia are given uniforms—for which the local people are forced to pay—and are sometimes armed.

 The local militia can label anyone for being an OLA supporter and collect money. The common phrase is that “someone comes to you and says that we have credible information that you have links to this and that organization.” No further evidence is needed, and everybody knows it is about money. Refusal to pay easily leads to arrests, and the collaboration between local law enforcement agencies and government offices ensures the person remains in jail. Once there, “you don’t get out unless you pay.” One source told the story about a relative who was detained, accused of having links to OLA, but “the real reason was that they needed money from him… I had to pay 45,000 birr to have him released.”

The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) also documented how boys as young as 11 years old across Oromia had been subject to enforced conscription. As different zones and districts had been given quotas of boys to be recruited, local officials had to resort to forced conscription in order to meet the target. The military does not normally accept enforced conscripts, but those rounded up are often reluctant to report their cases, being afraid of reactions from local officials when they are sent back to their home areas.

Rampant corruption is a key reason for the current situation. While both the Derg and the EPRDF governments invested much in combating corruption, mechanisms put in place to curtail this loosened after 2018, and recent studies show that corruption has become a major problem in Ethiopia. Transparency International ranked Ethiopia 98th (of 180) on its corruption index in 2023, and increased public corruption is said to have “strongly affected socioeconomic development and governance.” Interlocutors across Oromia all testified to corruption being present at all levels, becoming “part of the official system,” and something “out of control.” As a result, it has become nearly impossible to get any public services without paying bribes.

It is difficult to exaggerate the impact of these tax increases, which come at a time when a worsening economic situation had already severely affected people’s livelihoods. Inflation has remained high and salaries stagnant, and while inflation has eased some over the last year, it has contributed to a poverty rate of ca. 69%, and estimations said that inflation would drive an additional 10 million people into poverty during 2024.

While this alone has created a nearly unbearable situation for ordinary people, the current situation with lack of law and order and rampant corruption has significantly exacerbated the conditions. The new tax regime has created opportunities for local authorities to overcharge the people at will. This is particularly true in the rural areas, and one source described the conditions as: “There is no law at all; it’s anarchy… anybody can ask for anything.”

 This new situation has not only led to an increase of human rights violations, but they have created a situation of unpredictability and randomness. While people with certain profiles previously would be considered at risk, this is not the case anymore. Anyone can be targeted. The current situation of lawlessness is moreover untenable, and the critical question is where people’s breaking point is. 

Ethiopia among worst jailers of journalists in Africa, CPJ says; six detained, five face terrorism charges

 Ethiopia has been listed among the worst jailers of journalists in Africa, with six journalists detained—five of whom are facing “terrorism” charges that could carry death sentences, according to the 2024 prison census by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), released Thursday.

CPJ reports that the sixth journalist, Yeshihasab Abera, was arrested in September 2024 during what authorities described as a “law enforcement operation” amidst “escalating tensions” and “mass arrests”in the region .

CPJ highlighted that Ethiopian authorities frequently employ “often-vague charges or convictions for terrorism or extremism” to imprison journalists.

Across Africa, Eritrea ranked as the worst offender, with 16 journalists imprisoned since the early 2000s without formal charges. Cameroon and Rwanda followed with five detained each, while Nigeria recorded four.

Globally, China led the list with 50 detained journalists, followed by Israel (43), Myanmar (35), Belarus (31), and Russia (30). CPJ documented at least 361 journalists imprisoned worldwide as of December 1, 2024, marking the second-highest total in its records.

In November 2024, CPJ’s five-year report presented at the UN’s Human Rights Council report revealed a significant decline in press freedom since Ethiopia’s last review. The report also addressed the lack of accountability in the killings of two journalists, physical assaults on media professionals, forced closures of media outlets, and restrictions on international journalists. “These rankings point to a broader concern. Over the last five years, Ethiopia has entrenched a pattern of arbitrarily detaining journalists,” CPJ warned, detailing the intesification of press freedom decline in Ethiopia compounded by arrests and exile of journalists amid political turmoil.

In its 2023 prison census, CPJ had designated Ethiopia as the third-worst country in Africa for the incarceration of journalists, with the tally of imprisoned Ethiopian journalists surging to eight that year.