ወያኔያዊ ዲሞክራሲ!

ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ዴሞክራሲ የሚለውን ቃል ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ ጥቅም ላይ የዋለበትን ጊዜ ይህ ነው ብሎ ለመናገር የጠለቀ ጥናት ይጠይቃል፡፡ ነገር ግን የሁለተኛውን የዓለም ጦርነት ተከትሎ በወጡት ዓለማቀፍ ህጎች እና መርሆች በመንተራስ በፀደቀው የ1955ቱ ሕገ መንግስት ላይ ዴሞክራሲያዊ መብቶች በሚል ስያሜ የዜጎች መብቶች ተቀምጠው እናገኛለን፡፡ ያም ቢሆን የንጉሱ ስርዓት ራሱን ዴሞክራሲያዊ ብሎ ጠርቶ አያውቅም - ደግ አደረገ፤ ፈላጭ ቆራጭ ነበርና፡፡

የንጉሱ ስርዓት ማብቂያ ላይ ብቅ ብቅ ማለት የጀመሩት ‹የመጀመሪያዎቹ› የኢትዮጵያ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች ራሳቸውን ዴሞክራሲያዊ ብለው ከመጥራት ይልቅ ሕብረተሰባዊ፣ አብዮታዊ፣ ወ.ዘ.ተ የሚሉ ቃላትን ተመራጭ ያደርጉ ነበር፡፡ ለዚህም ጥሩ ማሳያ የሚሆኑን የንጉሱን ስርዓት መገርሰስ ተከትሎ ብልጭ ብላ በነበረችው ‹የነፃነት ጮራ› በመጠቀም እስከ ቀይ ሽብር ማብቂያ ድረስ ለምልመው ከነበሩት ፓርቲዎች ውስጥ የዋነኛዎቹን ስያሜ ብንመለከት፤ የመላው ኢትዮጵያ ሶሻሊስት ንቅናቄ (መኢሶን)፣ አብዮታዊ ሰደድ፣ የወዛደር ሊግ (ወዝሊግ)፣ የኢትዮጵያ ጭቁኖች አብዮታዊ ትግል (ኢጭአት) እና ማርክሳዊ ሌኒናዊ ሪቮሊሽናዊ ድርጅትን (ማሌሪድ)፤ እንዲሁም እነዚህ አምስት ድርጅቶች በጋራ የመሰረቱትን የኢትዮጵያ ማርክሳዊ ሌኒናዊ ድርጅቶች ህብረት (ኢማሌዲህ) በአንድ ወገን ስናገኝ፤ በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝባዊ አብዮታዊ ፓርቲን (ኢህአፓ)  እናገኛለን፡፡

ከነዚህ ዋነኛ ፓርቲዎች ውስጥ አንዱም ዴሞክራሲን የስም ማሸብረቂያ ሲያደርጋት አይታይም፤ አልደፈረምም፡፡ ደርግ በአፈሙዝ በዙሪያው ያሉትን ፓርቲዎች አንድ ባንድ ካስወገደ በኋላ የወዛደሩን ፓርቲ  የኢትዮጵያ ሰራተኞች ፓርቲ ኮሚሽን (ኢሰፓኮ) በኋላ የኢትዮጵያ ሰራተኞች ፓርቲን (ኢሰፓ) መሰረትኩ አለ፤ እስከዚህ ጊዜ ድረስም ዴሞክራሲን ተዳፍሮ ለስም መጠሪያነት አላዋለም ነበር፡፡ ነገር ግን ወታደራዊው መንግስት በዙሪያው ነፍጥ ያነገቡ ሀይላት እየገፉ ሲመጡበት እና የምስራቁ ርዕዮተ ዓለም ሲዳከም ተመልክቶ ‹በአዎጅ ሀገር አስተዳድራለሁ› የሚለውን ቀረርቶ በማቆም፤ ለሕዝቡ ‹ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሕገ መንግስት› እነሆ አልኩ ሲል፤ በዛውም የሀገሪቱን ብሄራዊ መጠሪያ ዴሞክራሲ በተባለችው ምትሃተኛ ቃል አስጊጧት ነበር - ‹የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝባዊ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሪፐብሊክ›፡፡

የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ግንባር (ኢህአዴግ) ግንባር ከጅምሩ ራሱን ዴሞክራሲያዊ ብሎ በመጥራት የፖለቲካውን ገበያ የተቀላቀለ ሲሆን፤ እርሱን ከመሰረቱት አራት ፓርቲዎች ውስጥ ከሕዝባዊ ወያነ ሃርነት ትግራይ (ህወሃት) በቀር ሶስቱ ብሄረ አማራ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ (ብአዴን)፣ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ድርጅት (ኦህዴድ)፣ የደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች ዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ (ደኢህዴን) ያችን ‹ወርቃማ ቃል› መለያቸው አድርገዋታል፡፡ ይህ ብቻ አይደለም  በኢህአዴግ አጋርነት ቀሪዎቹን አምስት ክልሎች ከሚያስተዳድሩ ፓርቲዎች ውስጥ ከሀረሪ ብሔራዊ ሊግ (ሀብሊ) በቀር አፋርን፣ ሶማሌን፣ ጋምቤላን እና ቤንሻንጉል ጉምዝን የሚያስተዳድሩት አጋር ፓርቲዎች ስያሜያቸውን በምትሃተኛዋ ዴሞክራሲ ያደመቁ ሁነው እናገኛቸዋልን፡፡

ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎቻችንም ‹ዴሞክራሲ› ለተባለው ቃል ያላቸው ፍቅር የበዛ ነው፡፡ ዴሞክራሲን በስያሜነት ያልተጠቀመ የተቃዋሚ ፓርቲ የህዝብን ይሁንታ አያገኝም የተባለ ያክል፤ የተቃዋሚው ሰፈር በዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ፣ የዴሞክራሲ ግንባር፣ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ፓርቲ፣ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ህብረት ወ.ዘ.ተ በሚሉ የዴሞክራሲ ቅጽል የተዋቡ ናቸው፡፡

ይሄን እይታችንን ወደ ሀገሪቱ መጠሪያነት ስንወስደው ደግሞ፤  የሀገራችን ብሄራዊ መጠሪያ ከዴሞክራሲ ጋር የተፋቀረ ሆኖ እናገኝዋለን፡፡ ወታደራዊው መንግስት አስራ ሶስት ዓመታትን ዘግይቶ ባወጣው ሕገ መንግስቱ ንቆ ትቶት የነበረውን ዴሞክራሲ ለስርዓቱ መጠሪያነት ‹የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝባዊ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሪፐብሊክ› በማለት አውሎታል፡፡ ወታደራዊውን መንግስት የተካው ወያኔ በበኩሉ የወታደራዊውን መንግስት ሕገ መንግስት ቀይሮ  ባወጣው አዲስ ሕገ መንግስት ‹የኢትዮጵያ ፌደራላዊ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሪፐብሊክን› እንደመጠሪያነት ተጠቅሞ በአፍሪካ ራሳቸውን ‹ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሪፐብሊክ› ብለው ከሚጠሩት ከኮንጎ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሪፐብሊክ እና ከአልጀሪያ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሪፐብሊክ ጋር በሶስተኝነት ተሰልፏል፡፡ እንግዲህ የሀገሪቱ መጠሪያ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ከተባለ ሩብ ምዕተ ዓመት አስቆጥራለች ማለት ነው።

እንግዲህ ያንድ ወጣት እድሜ ያስቆጠረው የዴሞክራሲያዊት ኢትዮጵያ ብሄራዊ መጠሪያ እውን መሬት ላይ ያለችውን ኢትዮጵያን ይወክላል ወይ? ትንሹም ትልቁም ‹ዴሞክራሲ› የተሰኝችውን ቃል እየመዘዘ ስሙ ላይ ሲለጥፍ፤ እውን ራሱን ለዴሞክራሲ ፅንሰ ሀሳብ አስገዝቶ ነውን? ወይስ እንዲሁ ማታለያ ነች? ነው ጥያቄው፡፡

እኛም ሀገር ዴሞክራሲ ዴሞክራሲን በፓርቲ ፕሮግራም አድማቂነት፤ ዴሞክራሲን በሕዝብ ግንኙነት መሪ ቃልነት ይጠቀማሉ ፤ ሕዝቡም እንደመናፍስቱ ወደነሱ ይቀርባል፤ በዙሪያቸውም ይሰበሰባል፤ ያኔ አይኑን ያውሩታል በሕዝቡ ስም ይነግዳሉ፡፡ ይህም ማለት ፖለቲከኞቻችን ዴሞክራሲን እንደ ማር ገምቦ ይገለገሉባታል እንደማለት ነው፡፡ ህዝቡ ማሩን ፍለጋ በማሩ ዙሪያ ይኮለኮላል፤ ማሩን ግን አያገኝም፡፡

የዘመናዊ ሕገ መንግስታት ፈር ቀዳጅ የሆነው የአሜሪካ ሕገ መንግስት አንድም ቦታ ዴሞክራሲ ወይም ዴሞክራሲያዊ የሚሉ ቃላትን አይጠቀምም፡፡ በተነፃፃሪ ባለፉት 25 ዓመታት ያየናት ኢትዮጵያ  ከሕገ መንግስታቶቿ እስከ ፓርቲ ፕሮግራሞች ድረስ ዴሚክራሲን ያልተጠቀመችበት ቦታ ማግኝት ከባድ ነው፡፡ ይህ ሲባል ግን ኢትዮጵያ አብዝታ ዴሞክራሲ ዴሞክራሲ ስላለች አሜሪካ ደግሞ በሕገ መንግስቷ አንድም ቦታ አላስተናገደችውምና፤ ኢትዮጵያ የተሻለች ዴሞክራሲ ናት ማለት በፍፁም አይደለም፡፡ ይልቁንም የህዝቡን ፈቃድ የሚያደርግ እንጅ፤ ዴሞክራሲ፣ ዴሞክራሲ የሚል ሁሉ ዴሞክራሲያዊ አይደለም፡፡ ለዚህም ላለፉት ከሁለት አስርት አመታት በላይ ሀገራችንን እና ህዝቧን በጭቆና በአምባገነንነት እየገዛ ያለውን የወያኔ መንግስት ትልቅ ማሳያ ሆኖ እናገኝዋለን።

በዲሞክራሲ ጥላ በመሽሽግ የውጭውን አለም ይሁንታ ለመጐናጸፍ የሚተጋው ወያኔ አስተዳድረዋለሁ የሚለውን ህዝብ ጥያቄ ለመመለስ ሲታትር አይስተዋልም ይልቊን ድምጻችን ይሰማ በማለት ሆ ብሎ የወጣውን ነፃነት ናፋቂ ትውልድ በያደባባዩ ሲገድል ተመልክተናል ለዚህም በ1997 ምርጫ ማግስት የደረሰው ህዝባዊ ጭፍጨፋም ሆነ ከዚያ በኋላ የተነሱ ህዝባዊ ጥያቄዎች ምላሻቸው የጠመንጃ አፈሙዝ እንደነበር የቅርብ ግዜ እውነታዎች ናቸው።

ወያኔ ብቻውን ለመወዳደር እየተራወጠ ባለበት የ2007 ምርጫ በተለያየ የመንግስት የሥራ ኃላፊነት ላይ ተቀምጠው ያሉ ካድሬዎችና ደህንነቶች ሠራተኞችንና ነዋሪዎችን በየቀበሌው እንዲሁም በተለያዩ አዳራሾች እየሰበሰቡ ኢህአዴግን መምረጥ ግዴታ እንደሆነ ከዛቻና ከማስፈሪያ ጋር መመሪያ እየሠጡ መሆናቸው  ይታወቃል። የገዢው ፓርቲ ካድሬዎችና ደህንነቶች በተለ ያዩ ወረዳዎችና ቀበሌዎች ነዋ ሪዎች እንዲሰበሰቡ ካስደረጉ በኋላ ስብሰባው የተጠራበትን አጀንዳ በመተው “ኢህአዴግን መምረጥ ግዴታ ነው፤ ኢህአዴግን አለመምረጥ ፀረ ህዝብነት ነው፡፡” በማለት ህዝብን በማሸበር ላይ ይገኛሉ።

ወያኔ እና ምርጫ የማይተማመኑ ሁለት ባልንጀራሞችን ያስታውሰኛል ይህን ያልኩበት ምክንያት *የማይተማመን ባልንጀራ በየ ወንዙ ይማማላል* እንደሚባለው ወያኔም ምርጫ ከመድረሱ አስቀድሞ የተቃዋሚ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎችንም ሆነ የነጻነት ታጋይ ግለሰቦችን/Activist/ ማተራመስ ይጀምራል። ለዚህም እንደማሳያነት  የምንመለከተው ከቅርብ ግዜያት ወዲህ በዞን9 ጦማርያን እንዲሁም በተለያዪ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ ውስጥ ንቊ ተሳትፎ የነበራችውን ግለሰቦ በሀሰት የክስ መዝገብ በማደራጀት ለእስርና ለእንግልት እንዲዳረጕ በማድረግ የፖለቲካውን ሂደት ለብቻቸው ለመቆናጠጥ ሲታትሩ እናስተውላለን። ለመሆኑ ወያኔ ስልጣን ላይ የቆየው ህዝባችን መርጦት ነው እንዴ? የዚህን ምላሽ ለአምባቢው ትቼዋለሁ። በእኔ በኵል ይህንን የአምባገነኑን መንግስት (ወያኔ) ለማስወገድ በአንድነት እንነሳ እላለሁ።

ድል ለጭቁኑ ህዝብ!!!

Two Oromo Women Refugees Die; Ten Others Wounded Due to Brutal Actions of Human Smugglers in the Sahara Desert

Report by Boruu Barraaqaa

October 2, 2014 (Cairo, Egypt) – On September 10, 2014, about ten Oromo refugees were terribly loaded on a Toyota pickup to flee Khartoum, a city where the Ethiopian government thugs abduct anybody they like at any time. When they had started their journey from Khartoum, the refugees had a dream to reach Cairo safely, at least to get some security relief and enjoy a better life. Unfortunately, what happened to them in the middle of the Sahara Desert on September 14, 2014, turned their dream untrue.

Fatuma Mohammed Hundesa and Nahira Abamacha (victims)

According to the information obtained from the survivors, the human smugglers, who were illegally transporting the poor Oromo refugees, turned extremely violent for an unidentified reason, just after crossing the Sudanese-Egyptian border. They tried to rape the women refugees, but the men refugees who were on the same vehicle opposed this attempt and combated the transporters, showing a relentless bravery.

It was in this scary situation that an unidentified police vehicle suddenly emerged from behind and the transporters managed to escape hastily. They were driving with the highest speed furiously in the terribly windy and hazardous rocky desert, and finally, the vehicle carrying the refugees tipped over. The result was so sad, in which two of the refugees, namely Fatuma Mohammed Hundesa and Nahira Abamacha, died instantly, and about eight others were seriously wounded. Those who died were never buried properly, the report added.

Oromo refugees waiting to resume their journey after passing a night in the sandy desert of the Sahara (Photo by Boruu Barraaqaa)

Oromo refugees including a 2 year-old baby left behind by the human smugglers in the heart of Sahara, where the temperature estimated above 45 degree (Photo by Boruu Barraaqaa)

A number of sources confirm that hundreds of women Oromo refugees have been raped, beaten, tortured, infected with diseases like HIV/AIDS, and finally died, over the last five years alone, while they were trying to find their way from different areas of Oromia to Khartoum. In last April, just in an area where this fresh sad incident happened, about eight Oromo refugees were captured by the Egyptian police, detained for four months, and finally deported back to Ethiopia.

Currently, due to the tight diplomatic relations between the governments of Ethiopia and Sudan, Oromo refugees residing in Khartoum are experiencing daily and nightly hunts by Woyane security agents. Fearing not to be abducted by these brutal thugs, they are forced to flee further to Egypt, daring the harsh clandestine trans-Sahara journey.

OMN: Weekly Amahric Program September 20, 2014

UN experts urge Ethiopia to stop using anti-terrorism legislation to curb human rights

GENEVA (18 September 2014) – A group of United Nations human rights experts* today urged the Government of Ethiopia to stop misusing anti-terrorism legislation to curb freedoms of expression and association in the country, amid reports that people continue to be detained arbitrarily.

The experts’ call comes on the eve of the consideration by Ethiopia of a series of recommendations made earlier this year by members of the Human Rights Council in a process known as the Universal Periodic Review which applies equally to all 193 UN Members States. These recommendations are aimed at improving the protection and promotion of human rights in the country, including in the context of counter-terrorism measures.

“Two years after we first raised the alarm, we are still receiving numerous reports on how the anti-terrorism law is being used to target journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders and opposition politicians in Ethiopia,” the experts said. “Torture and inhuman treatment in detention are gross violations of fundamental human rights.”

“Confronting terrorism is important, but it has to be done in adherence to international human rights to be effective,” the independent experts stressed. “Anti-terrorism provisions need to be clearly defined in Ethiopian criminal law, and they must not be abused.”

The experts have repeatedly highlighted issues such as unfair trials, with defendants often having no access to a lawyer. “The right to a fair trial, the right to freedom of opinion and expression, and the right to freedom of association continue to be violated by the application of the anti-terrorism law,” they warned.

“We call upon the Government of Ethiopia to free all persons detained arbitrarily under the pretext of countering terrorism,” the experts said. “Let journalists, human rights defenders, political opponents and religious leaders carry out their legitimate work without fear of intimidation and incarceration.”

The human rights experts reiterated their call on the Ethiopian authorities to respect individuals’ fundamental rights and to apply anti-terrorism legislation cautiously and in accordance with Ethiopia’s international human rights obligations.

“We also urge the Government of Ethiopia to respond positively to the outstanding request to visit by the Special Rapporteurs on freedom of peaceful assembly and association, on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment and on the situation of human rights defenders,” they concluded.

Source: United Nations Human Rights

SCOTTISH LESSONS FOR OROMO NATIONALISTS

In a landmark referendum on Sept. 18,  the people of Scotland will vote Yes or No to determine the future of their 300-year-old union with England.

The simplicity of the question and the answers are by no means indicative of the intensity of the debates and emotions in this campaign. There have been passionate debates over the years between the unionists and Scottish nationalists. The publicity of the campaigns has generated a lot of interest around the world. As a result, this week’s vote is being closely watched by Oromo activists and nationalists the world over who are still trapped in old empires. What lessons can be gleaned from the Scottish case for the decolonization of the Ethiopian empire and the Oromo people’s aspiration for an independent statehood?

Involuntary Unions

There are several remarkable similarities between Scotland and Oromia. First, both are endowed with abundant natural resources. Second, both Scotland and Oromia were involuntarily incorporated into empires by their next door neighbors. The Scots have a humorous saying which goes something like this: During creation, God gave Scotland many good things — fascinating lakes, beautiful beaches, majestic mountains and etc. One of his companions commented: Lord, this is not fair; you are being too generous to Scotland, you do not seem to mix it with anything bad. To which God replied, “just wait and see what kind of neighbor I will give Scotland!”

The Scottish people spent several hundreds of years fending off the English. This culminated in theActs of Union in 1707 when the English and Scottish parliaments voted to create the United Kingdom. Scotland was in economic bankruptcy and it had no more energy left to resist another invasion and continued meddling by the English. Like the Scottish wars of independence, Oromos in Central, Southern and Eastern Oromia put up years of stiff resistance against Abyssinian occupation. In some ways, the acts of union also resembles the incorporation of Western Oromia into the Abyssinian empire. The beheading of William Wallace, a prominent Scottish hero, resonates well with cases of Oromo heroes who perished, amputated or mutilated at the battles of Gulale, Aanolee, Chalanqo and many others.

Like the Scots, the Oromo were treated inhumanely by the invading Abyssinian feudal lords. For instance, the industrial revolution in England was fueled by wool supplied by absentee landlords who evicted Scottish highlanders from their lands to give way for large scale sheep rearing. Similarly, the Oromo experienced a grand scale dispossession under the Gabbar system, which appropriated virgin farmlands to feudal landowners. For the Scots, the greatest victim was their language, Gaelic, which suffered hugely in part due to the highland clearance and relocation of Scottish farming communities to faraway territories such as Nova Scotia in Canada. In contrast, Oromo farmers endured the brunt of exploitation toiling their own land for absentee landlords as serfs and slaves. This together with the demographic balance helped the survival of the Oromo language against all odds.

Empire building

To borrow an Orwellian expression, all empires are wicked but some are less wicked than others. With regard to the relative successes of the empires that absorbed them, the fate of Scotland and Oromia could not be more different.  In Oromia’s case, it goes without saying that the Ethiopian empire failed to establish any degree of cohesion among its constituencies. The fact that a situation similar to the Scottish highland clearances is still happening in Oromia — nearly a century and a half later — is a testament to the farcical nature of the Ethiopian empire.

By contrast, despite all the setbacks that came with losing independence, Scotland thrived in the UK, where the whole became greater than sum of the individual parts. For one, under the terms of the Acts of the Union, Scotland retained most of its institutions, e.g., legal system, education, church and etc. This helped energize the union. Success in domestic economy through a series of revolutions (e.g. agricultural and industrial) propelled the UK to emerge as one of the most powerful nations on earth, so much so that it came to be known as “the empire on which the sun never sets.” In effect, Scotland and England built solid institutions and sustained enviable democratic governance. The same can’t be said about Oromia. The Amharanization doctrine was essentially designed to wipe out all aspects Oromo socio-political, religious and cultural institutions and aggressively replace it by official state functions.

What can Oromos learn from the Scottish nationalists?

There is no doubt that both Scotland and Oromia were victims of internal colonization. Both nations experienced brutal wars of conquest in the centuries leading up to and during their involuntary incorporation into burgeoning empires. Both Scotland and Oromia maintain  distinct culture and history from their neighbors. Thus, it is ironic that the Scottish nationalists did not anchor their case for independence on history. They have not campaigned on the principle of decolonization. Past history or injustices during wars of resistance did not play any part in the Scottish independence rhetoric during the referendum debate.  In fact, most cases for Scottish independence dramatically contrast with Oromia’s circumstances.

Demography

The Scots, who constitute about 8.4 percent of the UK’s population, are a minority group. This led to a phenomenon commonly referred to as democratic deficit, meaning political parties could form a government in the Westminster regardless of which way the Scottish people voted. For instance, for far too long, the Conservative Party have been governing the UK with no electoral mandate in Scotland. This is why the Scottish National Party (SNP) firmly anchored their argument on the principle that no matter how hard they try to perfect the union, democracy is unlikely to work in favor of the Scottish people so long as Scotland remained in the UK. Needless to say, in contrast to Scotland’s clear disadvantage, Oromia enjoys a massive demographic advantage. This means democracy will work exceptionally well for Oromos.

Economy

Several attempts have been made to address Scotland’s democratic deficits through referendums for Scottish devolution. This culminated in the formation of the Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh in 1999.  However, the devolution of the political power have not led to any meaningful economic power.  For instance, the parliament had power to spend funds allocated to it from the Westminster but it had no power to raise its own revenues through taxes. This fuelled the rationale for independence advocated by the SNP who rested their economic case on the fact that the oil-rich Scotland is actually a net contributor to the UK treasury, by about 400 pounds per person. In Oromia’s case, it would be unfair to talk about the state’s share in government revenue in terms of some marginal net contribution; it suffices to say the bulk of Ethiopian government revenue from domestic sources is generated in Oromia. However, it should be noted that Scotland’s economic case for independence is rooted in the incurable democratic deficit, which in turn is explained by its demographic disadvantage. On the contrary, Oromia is not expected to encounter the Scottish economic dilemma provided that Oromos assert their power to establish a democratic and genuinely federal system of government.

Geography

Scotland is located in the periphery of the UK. Peripheral locations often find themselves in disadvantageous positions because resources (human and financial) tend to move and concentrate in the center through forces of agglomeration. More and more jobs are created in London and its surroundings in England. The youth and the skilled