U.S. issues warning after Ethiopia grenade attacks

The United States issued a warning Thursday to its citizens about travelling to a popular tourist region in Ethiopia after a string of grenade attacks targeting hotels and homes.
The US embassy in Addis Ababa said there had been four grenade blasts this month in Gondar, a city in the north known for its ancient castles.
A popular stop on Ethiopia's tourist circuit, Gondar was also the scene of anti-government protests last year that led to the declaration of a nationwide state of emergency.
"The embassy recommends US citizens carefully consider whether travel to Gondar is necessary at this time," the embassy said in a statement.
A spokesman for Ethiopia's government had no immediate comment.
While Ethiopia has enjoyed rapid economic growth in recent years and falling poverty rates, protests erupted in 2015 by communities disenchanted with the government of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn.
Human rights groups say hundreds of people were killed and thousands arrested when security forces cracked down on the demonstrations.

The unrest erupted in the central Oromo region near the capital and then spread to Amhara in the north, including Gondar.
State-run Fana Broadcasting Corporate reported this month that Ethiopia's human rights commission had submitted a report to parliament saying 669 people were killed in last year's protests, along with 63 security officers.



The unrest led parliament to declare a six-month state of emergency in October 2016, which was extended for another four months in March.

Ethiopia’s Bloody Crackdown: The Case for International Justice

(HRW) — Ethiopian security forces gunned down at least 100 people a week ago in the bloodiest weekend in the ninth month of anti-government protests. Unlike previous protests, which have been largely confined to the Oromia region, the protests on August 6 and 7 were also in the northern Amhara region. Altogether at least 500 people have been killed since November and tens of thousands have been detained during the largely peaceful protests.

The protests in Oromia started in November over the government’s approach to development, but as the crackdown intensified, protester grievances focused on longstanding abuses and discrimination. In the Amhara region, protesters have voiced concerns over the dominance of those connected to the ruling party in economic and political affairs, complex questions of ethnic identity, and other historic grievances. Protesters vow to continue, and there is no indication of a letup from security forces or new concessions from the government.

Security force torture of people in detention has been pervasive. Girma (not his real name), an 18-year-old student, was released last week from an Ethiopian military camp seven months after he was arrested at a protest with his classmates. He told me when I talked with him after his release that the nightly beatings left him with permanent injuries that make it hard for him to walk. He is banned from returning to school and afraid he will be arrested again if he seeks medical care. He still hears the screams of the “hundreds of protesters still there who were tortured every night.”

Donor countries to Ethiopia have been largely silent about the brutal crackdown, presumably in part due to the Ethiopian government’s strategic relationships on security, peacekeeping, migration, and development. For years, the US, the UK and other influential governments have basically rejected public condemnation of the Ethiopian government’s repressive practices. But a strategy of “quiet diplomacy” is increasingly limited as Ethiopia’s human rights situation declines and its heavy-handed response to the largely peaceful protests is fueling more anger and frustration.

The small bit of good news is that the international silence on Ethiopia was broken on August 10 when the UN’s top human rights official, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, told Reuters that an international investigation and accountability are needed for the killings of protesters.

The protesters I spoke with in recent weeks have been increasingly reassessing the effectiveness of their peaceful protests in the absence of justice, accountability, and international condemnation of the government’s killing, torture and arbitrary arrests. They told me they are losing faith in Western governments to offer even the mildest criticism of their government.

There are few opportunities inside the country to monitor the government’s human rights record, to hold officials to account, or to access justice. After elections in 2015 that did not meet international standards, the government holds 100 percent of the seats in federal and regional parliaments, preventing any serious parliamentary debate. The courts have little independence on politically sensitive cases and the misuse of the anti-terrorism law is illustrated through the ongoing trial of an opposition leader and advocate for non-violence, Bekele Gerba, the ongoing trial of a former World Bank translator, Pastor Omot Agwa, and the conviction of numerous journalists on trumped-up charges. Numerous restrictions on independent media and nongovernmental organizations result in little scrutiny of abusive security forces. International journalists also face restrictions as three journalists detained during the recent protests can attest to.

Ethiopia’s Human Rights Commission should be investigating abuses by security forces. But its lack of independence was underscored by its oral report on the protests to parliament in June. It concluded that the lethal force used by security forces in Oromia was proportionate to the risk they faced from the protesters. It is not known whether a written version of the report is available to justify such a seemingly politicized conclusion. The briefing was issued just a few days before Human Rights Watch issued a report describing the excessive use of force that resulted in the killing of an estimated 400 people during the first six months of the protests.

International scrutiny of Ethiopia’s rights record has also been lacking despite its June election to the UN Security Council, and its membership on the UN Human Rights Council – which requires it to uphold the “highest standards of human rights” and cooperate with UN monitors. Ethiopia has refused entry to all UN special rapporteurs since 2007. Among the outstanding requests are from the special rapporteurs on torture, freedom of opinion and expression, and peaceful assembly.

Ethiopia’s allies should back the call from the UN human rights high commissioner and press for an international investigation. Such a move will send a powerful and overdue message to the Ethiopian government that its security forces cannot shoot and kill peaceful protesters with impunity. And it will also send an important message to the victims and families that their pleas for justice are being heard.

Ethiopia’s allies need to urgently embark on a new approach to Ethiopia before the current situation descends into an even more dangerous and irreversible political and human rights crisis. They could play a leading role in pushing for investigative or monitoring mechanisms to hold the government to account for its brutal response to citizens exercising their fundamental rights to expression and assembly — or the toll of the dead and the tortured will continue to rise.

Horrifying Testimony of Torture in TPLF Prison

VOA Introducer, Alula Kebede: Today’s guest for democracy in action program is Mr. Habtamu Ayalew, former spokesperson of the opposition, Andenet Party (Unity party) in Ethiopia.  Mr. Habtamu was subjected to two years of imprisonment, waiting for trial after being accused of terrorism by the regime.  He says his health crisis is the result of the inhuman treatment, torture and extreme abuse he endured while in prison.  Based on his discussions, not only do the harsh and cruel torture techniques on prisoners result in a health crisis, but also the deaths of many prisoners. He explains how he and others have suffered in prison under the current TPLF regime.
Prior to broadcasting the program, Solomon Kifle (VOA program producer and interviewer) requests parents to exclude children from listening to this gruesome and extremely shocking torture story
Ato Habtamu starts his interview by saying you know In Ethiopia under the current regime if you ask or advocate for democratic rights, freedom and equality, your fate is one of the following 1. You End up in prison 2. You get killed or 3. You end up as a refugee in another country.
Once I was taken to the central prison (Maekelawi in Amharic) I was subjected to excessive torture that caused me physical and psychological trauma.  Extreme physical and mental scar have been inflicted on me by the regime.
Question-1: Were there times when you were subjected to solitary confinement in a dark room
Answer: The central prison has eight sections, sections one to eight
Section seven and eight are by far the most atrocious.  Section eight is built underground with no windows and natural light so it is complete darkness. It is also extremely cold in there.  It has four cells; the cells can sometimes be filled with cold water to make you even colder.  Furthermore, the cells are standing or sleeping cells so if you stand you have no room to stretch hands and legs and if you sleep on one side you have no room to change positions.
The second section is section seven where I spent most of the four months when I was at central prison.  Here the cells are very small but they purposely stuff people over capacity forcing you to basically pile on one another. The cell is right between two toilet rooms called “tawla” and “Siberia” toilet rooms, both toilets have intolerable stench, and below the cells a built-in big water tank.  Early on we were like thirteen to fifteen in one cell then after a while they took some people out and five of us remained.
Question-2: We hear the major problem in Ethiopian prisons being toilet deprivation.   How many times a day, were you allowed to use toilet rooms with in a day.
Answer: In my four months in Siberia, we could use toilets two times in twenty-four hours. One was very early in the morning at 6:00 AM then the next one was at 6:00 PM. Whether you are ready or not that is your only chance and you must train your body to urinate and excrete with in assigned time.  There were three toilets, and despite how many people are in the cell, you are given fixed time as a group. If you are ten you are given ten minutes which means each person has an average of say one minute to relieve himself. You have no chance to go to toilet for another twelve hours, between those hours you are back into an extremely cold and very dark cell, the only cloth you have is the one you came to prison with, you are not given any additional cloth.
As we are deprived of toilet use we were allowed a one-liter plastic bottle for emergency purposes.  Using the bottle, we are always mindful not to fill it up, if that happens you are in big trouble and most of the time you must force yourself to hold it until your assigned toilet time and that is extremely painful.  Because of that your bladder could be out of use very easily, so developing a bladder issue is very common.  In addition to getting interrogated and being subjected to different torture techniques daily, I had to always use my plastic bottle very carefully to urinate and hold on to my urine.  Thus, I have suffered excruciating pain and damage to my bladder.
The only other time you get out of the cell is when they take you out for interrogation. Even then you will be taken through a very dark tunnel.  When you are interrogated, unless you tell them what they want you to say they have several heinous and extremely harsh techniques to make you suffer.
Question-3: In your opinion, among all the horrible torture techniques used on you can you describe one to three that are the most extreme.
Answer: It is difficult for me or anyone else to understand the level of cruelty practiced in that place.
(a) Crucifixion Room: They have a room where they have a hanger to crucify you like Jesus Christ.  Whenever one of us are taken for interrogation the first question posed to you when you come back to the cell is, were you crucified?
(b) Forearm Hanger: They also have a room with a setup where you are hanged by your forearms.  Then a two-liter plastic bag filled with water will be tied to your testicles. I do know people who had to endure that kind of torture and have suffered complete testicular damage.  Due to privacy reasons, I will not name those guys but I wouldn’t mind discussing names and addresses of those people who suffered such inhumane treatment to those who are interested in collecting evidence.
(c) Swollen testicles: Another technique they use for interrogation is where the interrogator sits directly in front of you. Your legs are cuffed and your hands are cuffed behind then they tie strings on your testicles and pull the strings and due to the intolerable pain, you will be forced to lean towards the interrogator.  At that time, they will hit you hard with a rubber/wood baton or copper rods and push you back.  Then, they will ask you to admit you are collaborating with a group, will ask you confess to anything they want.  Due to the above-mentioned torture techniques, some people end up with swollen testicles, then walking or sleeping, any movement including closing your legs becomes extreme painful, thus people scream all day and night.
(d) Making You Unconscious: There is a small and very cold instrument they put in the middle of your head they kind of slap you with it from the back at which point you completely lose consciousness. If you are lucky to wake up, you will not remember what is done to you or things you have said.  You will have no recollection whatsoever and takes a long time to recover, there are some people who never had a chance to wake up.
(e) Forcing You to Urinate on yourself: They also do finger or sharp pinching on your kidneys on the left and right side to make you urinate on yourself.
(f) Interrogators urinate and defecate on prisoners: When some people were put under control prior to coming to the central prison, their face is completely covered and they were taken to an unknown location. This happened to some of the guys, they were tied to a chair and left in a dark room and interrogators urinate and defecate on them from top. The place is filled with urine and feces and has unbearable stench.  They put protective clothing including masks to protect themselves but they humiliate and mentally and physically torture you.  Those guys were then asked to sign statements prepared by the interrogators after which they were brought to the central prison.  Some who were forced to sign after being subjected to that cruel, inhuman and horrifying experience include, Abebe Wergesa, Lenjisa Alemayehu and some people from Gonder area including Angaw Tegegne, Abaye Zewdu, Engida Awayehu.  There are also some air force members that I know who were subjected to that horrible treatment. 

There are other horrible and despicable things done to me in that place that my Ethiopian background will not allow me to discuss in public.  Those are taboo for anyone be it Christian or Muslim or any other religion who grew up in my culture.

#Fully_occupied_Regime_Cadre_Prliament (100% regime supporter member of parliament ) EXTENDS STATE OF EMERGENCY BY FOUR MORE MONTHS

The regime extended the current State Of Emergency by four additional months. The State of Emergency was first declared in Oct. 2016 and was due to end in April.

The House of People’s Representative, dominated by the ruling EPRDF, during its regular meeting this morning unanimously approved the extension.

Speaking to the house while explaining the necessity for the extension, Defense Minister Siraj Fegessa, who is also the front man in the ‘command post’ implementing the decree, said, “anti-peace elements” mostly in border areas were still active. The minister is referring to months-long conflicts caused by military incursions by armed men from the Somali regional state into many localities in eastern and southern part of Oromia, (bordering the Ethiopian Somali regional state in east and southeast Ethiopia). The ongoing conflicts have left hundreds of civilians dead and the destruction of an undisclosed amount of properties. But there hasn’t been an official inquiry into the ongoing incident.

Siraj also said that although calm has largely returned throughout the country as the result of the SoE, several cases were registered in which groups and individuals were involved in printing and distribution of “inciting materials.” He also added that the command post was yet to apprehend “key players” of the year-long anti-government protests that eventually led the country to declare the current SoE.

A ministerial cabinet meeting chaired by Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn has declared the six-month SoE in October to contain intense protests, particularly in Oromia regional state. The protests were triggered as an immediate aftermath of a mass death of civilians at the annual Irreecha festival on Sunday, Oct. 2nd. A hysteric stampede was caused as a result of security officers’ act of firing live ammunition and rubber bullets into the air, as well as teargas bombs in the middle of major parts of a gathering of millions who started to protest at the festival. The incident has led to protests in dozens of cities and villages throughout the Oromia regional state, which, unlike the previous year-long protests that first began in Nov. 2015, have turned violent as protesters targeted foreign based and state-affiliated investments in the region.

The SoE was quickly followed by the arrest of tens of thousands of Ethiopians, marked by several violent acts by the regime’s security officials.

On March 26, an inquiry board tasked to look into the implementation of the SoE told the national parliament that 26, 130 Ethiopians were detained under SoE. Of these 475 were released after receiving ‘counseling’, while 4, 996 will be brought to a court. The remaining 20,659 were released after detention in various military camps for different periods of time, according to the inquiry board.

On March 15 the command post tasked to implement the SoE has lifted parts of the provision, including arrest without court warrants and the indefinite holding of detainees incommunicado. It also lifted the provision that the command post should monitor the contents of media and other publications, as well as curfews imposed restricting citizens’ access to industrial sites & other investment projects after 6:00 PM local time. However, Defense minister Siraj Fegessa hinted at a possible extension of the State of Emergency, which was followed by a statement on March 23 in the parliament by PM Hailemariam Desalegn who referred to a public opinion poll result, unknown to many Ethiopians, and said 80% of Ethiopians support the State of Emergency.

Human Rights Watch protests to EU over Ethiopia

"We strongly urge you to use future meetings with Ethiopia’s leadership to publicly and unequivocally call for the release of key opposition leaders such as Dr. Merera and Bekele Gerba, the lifting of abusive provisions of the state of emergency, an international investigation into the crackdown on government protests, and the repeal of longstanding restrictions on media and civil society. And as stated in the European parliament resolution, it would be beneficial to clarify what progress on human rights you expect from Ethiopia to maintain ongoing EU support. The European Union’s interests in Ethiopia are best served by taking a principled stance on the importance of human rights protections."

Here is the full letter 
Federica Mogherini
High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs /
Vice-President of the European Commission
Rue de la Loi, Wetstraat 200
1049 Brussels
Brussels, March 23, 2017
Dear High Representative Mogherini,

Human Rights Watch wishes to express our deep 

disappointment over the one-sided statement issued by your office during your official visit to Ethiopia last week. In the public statement of March 17, 2017, you focus only on the important European Union partnerships with Ethiopia on humanitarian assistance, migration, refugees, and economic growth, and reiterate your support for the dialogue with the political opposition currently underway.

In our view the statement was a missed opportunity to state publicly and unequivocally that Ethiopia’s repressive response to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly – illustrated by the government’s brutal crackdown on protests– is not conducive to Ethiopia’s long-term stability or the EU’s ability to partner with Ethiopia on areas of mutual interest.
As you are aware, Ethiopia’s widespread human rights violations against its citizens means that Ethiopia is a country producing refugees and asylum seekers seeking safety.
Since November 2015 state security forces have killed hundreds and arrested tens of thousands of protesters, plunging Ethiopia into a human rights crisis. A state of emergency, called in October 2016, prescribes sweeping restrictions that go far beyond what is permissible under international law, eliminating what little space there was for the peaceful expression of critical views. The government has detained over 20,000 in “rehabilitation camps” since the state of emergency was declared, according to official figures. Widespread and long-standing restrictions on media and civil society groups continue to be enforced. Opposition leaders remain in detention on politically motivated charges, including Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) leader Dr. Merera Gudina, who was arrested following his attendance at a briefing on November 9 in Brussels organized by an MEP. Just three weeks before your visit, he was charged with “outrages against the constitution” and faces up to life in imprisonment.
Harassment through criminal charges, arbitrary detention of political opposition members and supporters, restrictions on financing, and registration problems have decimated opposition parties since the 2010 election. Actual or perceived members of opposition parties have difficulty accessing the benefits of development and humanitarian assistance, including that provided by the EU and its member states. This partisan system ensures that Ethiopians in rural or drought-vulnerable areas of the country are dependent on the government, bolstered by EU support, for their livelihoods, food aid, employment, and health care. This further constricts the space for political expression, dialogue and further undermines the effectiveness of opposition parties. From the government’s perspective, the strategy has been successful -- the ruling party and its affiliates won 100 percent of the seats in federal parliament in 2015 despite strong anti-government sentiments in many parts of the country as the protests would later illustrate.
Dismantling opposition parties, imprisoning critical opposition voices, and then inviting whomever remains to engage in a dialogue is not the “right direction,” as your statement said. Nor is having such a dialogue in the shadow of a state of emergency with wide-ranging restrictions on free expression rights. Moderate, yet still critical opposition voices, including Dr. Merera, should be part of any credible dialogue with the opposition, and this should have been stressed privately and publicly to the prime minister as critical for any meaningful dialogue. Your expression of support for political dialogue without acknowledging the systematic destruction of legally registered opposition parties and the suppression of basic human rights is not constructive to the EU’s partnership with Ethiopia.
Discussing economic partnerships during the state of emergency that followed 18 months of brutality partly triggered by the government’s abusive economic development approach illustrates our concern with your recent statement. The Ethiopian government has ignored the rights of those displaced by investment projects, failing to properly consult and compensate them. It begs the question: what polices or safeguards is the EU insisting are in place to ensure that economic development occurs with professed EU commitments to human rights respected?
In this light, the EU-Ethiopia Business Forum should be postponed until the abusive provisions of the state of emergency are lifted. Moreover, the government should make progress on implementing reforms that are crucial for a rights-respecting business environment, such as the repeal or substantial amendment of the Charities and Societies Proclamation.
The contrast between recent statements by the European parliament and the European Union could not be more stark. Parliament has consistently issued strong statements about the government’s brutal crackdown, including a resolution adopted in January 2016 that stated “respect for human rights and the rule of law are crucial to the EU’s policies to promote development in Ethiopia.” The resolution also stressed that the “EU should measure its financial support according to the country’s human rights record and the degree to which the Ethiopian Government promotes reforms towards democratization.” Parliamentary subcommittee hearings on Ethiopia followed in October. European Parliament actions signaled to the Ethiopian government and its people that there are repercussions for brutality against their own citizens – brutality that undermines European priorities in the Horn of Africa.
In contrast, the EU’s tepid approach, epitomized by your recent statement merely sends the message to the Ethiopian government that its repression and brutality carries no consequences or public condemnation from its most trusted friends, donors, and partners.
As all recognize, Ethiopia is an important partner of the EU in the areas of migration, development and economic growth. But these partnerships are dependent on long-term stability in Ethiopia and, thus, should be dependent on respect for basic human rights.
A further downward spiral in the human rights situation in this country of 100 million people could lead to dramatically increased humanitarian needs and out-migration from Ethiopia, all of which would contravene European and Ethiopian interests. This is where the EU’s focus should be.

PROTEST-DRIVEN ‘ECONOMIC REVOLUTION’: CAN IT SOLVE BREAD AND BUTTER QUESTIONS?

Periodically, the movers-and-shakers of Ethiopian politics raise their voices about overhauling the economy and creating better employment opportunities for unemployed people in the country. Such calls often follow general public discontents expressed in several ways and forms. The recent ‘economic revolution’ narrative introduced by the Oromia Regional State’s President Lemma Megerssa, following the yearlong anti-government protests that first began in the region, is one such example.

Ostensibly aimed at addressing the needs of the restless youth who are tired of empty promises and were at the forefront of the yearlong protests, the regional government appears to have taken a stronger stance to revamp the economy in order to create decent job opportunities and promote inclusive growth. To achieve this, high-level officials of the regional state have come up with a term called ‘economic revolution’.

So far it’s not clear whether this ‘economic revolution’ is a science-based (modern) or non-science based (pre-modern) economic model or ideology, but the embryonic phases of the term and its repeated use have somehow brought a breath of fresh air of hope for the youth in the region.

Protest-driven ‘economic revolution’

 With 17.5 % of all young people eligible for work lacking jobs, Ethiopia has one of the highest rates of youth unemployment in East Africa. Compared to Tanzania and Uganda, which have rates of 5.5% and 6.8% respectively, the high level of unemployment in Ethiopia remains a key concern for young people after leaving school. Recent evidence also suggests that the unemployment crisis is presenting serious challenges to the peace and stability as well as economic growth throughout the country in particular and the region at large.

Throughout 2016, Ethiopia has witnessed one of its worst social unrests since the ruling EPRDF-led government came to power in 1991. Without a doubt, the most significant unrest had flared up in November 2015 when the Oromo youth in Ginchi, a small town some 8o km west of Addis Abeba took to the streets to protest against a local football pitch transfer deal to prospective investors.

Inspired by earlier protests over the Addis Abeba Master Plan, the youth in Oromia, who were later joined by theircompatriots in Amhara regional state in the north, also raised concerns over historic injustice, lack of equal economic opportunities and political rights. Soon enough, these ongoing protests were brought to the attention of the international community when Olympic silver medallist Feyisa Lilesa displayed a crossed hand gesture made famous by protesters at the 2016 Rio Olympics. Notable opposition party leaders and major political and economic allies, especially the European Union, have also strongly condemned strongly criticized the regime in Ethiopia for not doing enough to address public grievances, especially the increasingly unacceptable level of unemployment and poverty.

Cornered by the above internal and external pressures, and troubled by the 15.5 percent of its own unemployed urban population, the Oromia regional government it now trying to make a policy shift to give priority to the unemployed youth; it named this initiative “economic revolution.’

Optimism aside, there are plenty of reasons to assume that this state-managed ‘economic revolution’ movement in the region is nothing more than a desperate attempt to respond to the demands of the youth and eventually regain political and social control over the protesting people. In addition to the region being still under a stifling state of emergency, two of the other practical reasons are the financing mechanisms and components of the ‘economic revolution’.

Financing mechanisms and components of the ‘economic revolution’

It was in October last year that Ethiopia’s President, Dr. Mulatu Teshome, announced the establishment of a 10 Billion Birr (approximately $ 436.7 Million) Revolving Youth Fund that will be used for youth economic empowerment in the country. Oromia’s share from this revolving youth fund stands at a total of 3.5 Billion Birr (approximately $ 154 million). The regional government claimed to have allocated an additional 2.6 Billion Birr (approximately $114 million), which will be mobilized from regional state bureaus, private banks, credit companies and civil servants through taxes. Overall, the combined youth fund envisages to respond to the economic needs of a total of 1.3 million young unemployed people.

Benefits from natural resource endowments being considered the primary channel, the regional government named a number of initiatives that will ignite the planned economic revolution. According to Addisu Arega, the region’s Communication Bureau Head, the first phase of the initiative targets transport (including oil and gas), agriculture, mining, and construction sectors. Some of the projects that have hitherto been identified include the establishment of the Oda Integrated Transport, Oromia Oil Company, Keenyaa Beverage, Ambo-Gnemer Manufacturing, and Oromia Construction.

On paper, it appears that the activities hold promise in terms of engaging hundreds of thousands of farmers and youth as shareholders. However, there are still serious concerns with these planned activities as some of them still seem to be investment plans that just went through a marathon of political decisions with little consideration of the reality on the ground; if the planned activities are to solve bread-and-butter questions, the regional government’s actions must be well-thought out and strategic.

Opportunities and constraints

The ‘economic revolution’ movement may not be a novel idea but there are signs that it has already created fresh optimism and solidarity among various groups within and outside the country. To an extent dissenting voices within the Diaspora now seem to be willing to give the regional government the benefit of the doubt by adopting a wait and see position. In fact, some of these diaspora-based ardent critics of the regional state have already started to engage with the region’s officials through social media platforms by presenting business options and alternative marketing strategies for the proposed economic activities. This is an encouraging sign; it is perfectly legitimate to anticipate that, if carefully planned and properly implemented, the new ‘economic revolution’ initiatives can be a step in the right direction in terms of creating jobs, building capacity and leveraging natural resources. Indirectly, this also means that it is highly likely to attain peace and promote political stability and democracy within the region and the wider country.

But this move should also address potential constraints. To this end, there are three interrelated challenges that should be addressed simultaneously.

First, all investment choices should take cost-effectiveness and profitability into account. They should also be best tailored to the needs and skills of the unemployed youth. At the moment, the nature and types of businesses that are being pursued by the regional government mainly target industries that will only benefit a few young people. The activities are largely concentrated around major cities in the Oromia regional state. Agricultural activities do not seem to be seriously taken into consideration as viable options. In a region like Oromia, an economic revolution that does not take commercial agriculture as an entry point will fail to provide a sustainable outcome for many young people. Considering the region’s immense potential for various market-orientated agricultural productions and young people’s prior experience in this economic sector, investing in agro-food processing sector would come as an obvious winning card to play.

Second, there is a need to have a transparent, accountable and competent leadership, which provides strategic oversight to the initiative, as well as the public-private partnership modality that it seeks to follow. The steering committee designated to coordinate the proposed ‘economic revolution’ constitutes businessmen and former and current notable political figures in the region. There is little or no effort to engage and integrate research and academic institutions and civil society organizations in the leadership circle. Although conventional public-private partnerships are usually limited to government and business ventures, having a university-public-private partnership could be a powerful tool in promoting knowledge-based and technologically-oriented economic development programs.

Third, a key feature of the ‘economic revolution’ has to be inclusiveness. The regional government has the mandate to make sure that no one is left behind when embarking on implementing the plans. Young people in every corner of the region, particularly most vulnerable groups including women and girls, should be given equal economic opportunity regardless of their background and political affiliation/ideology. Inclusiveness should encompass more than income; it should include skills development, decent employment, access to services and active participation in political process.

With this in mind, the regional government should recognize its envisioned ‘economic revolution’ as a means to an end rather than an end in itself.  It could serve as a tool for solving bread and butter problems of the burgeoning youth in the region, but it also has to lay a foundation for good governance, democracy, and economic equality, something it has always disregarded at its own peril.

Now that there is already high expectation among young people, it is time for the regional government to walk the talk and stay true to its promises of creating better jobs. If this last attempt proves to be yet another failure, it’s highly likely that history will repeat itself, yet again.

Amnesty International: TPLF Regime failures to blame for dozens of deaths at rubbish dump

The death of more than 60 people in a landslide at a vast rubbish dump on the outskirts of the Ethiopian capital over the weekend is a clear case of dereliction of duty by the Ethiopian authorities, said Amnesty International today.

Dozens are still missing since the landslide at the 36-hectare Repi municipal dumpsite in Addis Ababa on 11 March, and many families have been left homeless after their makeshift houses were buried under tonnes of waste.

“The Ethiopian government is fully responsible for this totally preventable disaster. It was aware that the landfill was full to capacity but continued to use it regardless. It also let hundreds of people continue to live in close proximity to it,” said Muthoni Wanyeki, Amnesty International's Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.

“These people, including many women and children, had no option but to live and work in such a hazardous environment because of the government’s failure to protect their right to adequate housing, and decent work.”

Now in its fifth decade, Repi – also known as Koshe, which means “dust” - is the oldest landfill in Addis Ababa, a city of more than 3.6 million people. More than 150 people were at the site when the landslide happened. Many of them had been scavenging items for sale while others lived there permanently, in unsafe makeshift housing.

“The government must do everything in its power to account for all those who are missing, provide survivors with adequate alternative housing, and safe and healthy working conditions,” said Muthoni Wanyeki.

“It must also ensure that a full-fledged inquiry is held to determine the specific