The importance for immediate peace in Ethiopia and needs a united call for peace now more than ever

 Despite repeated assurances from Ethiopia’s political and military elite, the country stands at a critical inflection point. Sporadic conflicts in #Oromia and the other regions, and the continued use of military force continue to persist, and the potential unraveling of the Pretoria peace agreement is real. All of them have pushed the country to the edge. Ending these wars is not a matter of political preference, it is a matter of national survival. The question now is not whether peace is necessary, but whether there is enough collective will to demand and build it.

Peace is not simply the absence of war; it requires inclusive, functioning institutions that mediate conflict and foster justice. Unfortunately, Ethiopia’s institutions have shown little of the integrity or impartiality needed to fulfill this role.The Caucus of Ethiopian Opposition Parties has made clear, in a recent statement, the serious concerns regarding the legitimacy and conduct of two key national bodies: the National Dialogue Commission (NDC) and the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE). In the past, this publication argued that the NDC was established through a process that ignored vital contributions and amendments proposed by the opposition which will lead it to operate with exclusionary and partisan intent. Its failure to correct course and redeem its legitimacy in the eyes of all is symptomatic of a deeper malaise: the erosion of trust in its independence.

As the Caucus rightly warns, to proceed with elections under current conditions may invite not political resolution but further chaos.These failings underscore a broader national crisis: the entanglement of so-called independent institutions with the ruling party, and the transformation of public mechanisms into conduits of state control. When oversight bodies and civic processes are hollowed out, the state loses its moral legitimacy.

Political theorist Benedict Anderson argued that nations are imagined communities – social constructs held together by shared narratives, symbols, and collective memory. Nationhood, in his view, is not a fixed inheritance but an ongoing project of imagination and inclusion. This is especially true in societies where multiple histories, languages, and identities coexist in tension.In Ethiopia, however, the state continues to assert a singular national narrative, branding dissenting voices as threats to “unity.” But there is no sustainable unity that excludes.

Anderson reminds us that the most dangerous illusion is to confuse state authority with national identity. The nation is not the property of a party, a government, or even a historical myth. It is a space of negotiation, imagined and reimagined by all who belong to it. Today’s Ethiopia is fragmented not just by war but by a crisis of imagination. What vision binds its people together? What common future can be claimed in a nation where independent dialogue is suppressed, branded as a threat to national security, and elections are feared rather than welcomed?

Ethiopia’s future cannot be built on the ruins of its present. Every community has suffered. Every child kept from school, every mother who mourns a son, every family displaced by violence is part of this country’s unraveling. And yet, each of them also represents the possibility of rebuilding. Calls for peace are not acts of neutrality; in today’s Ethiopia, they are acts of patriotism. Ending war is no longer optional, it is the only path forward; it is a national interest. Let us silence the guns. Not in repression, but as the first step toward reconciliation. Let us reclaim Ethiopia as a shared, imagined community, one that belongs to all its people, not a privileged few. 

#Justice #Freedom #democracy

Justice Denied: One year since the assassination of Bate Urgessa, still No accountability. Time to break the silence and end impunity!

  One year has passed since the assassination of Bate Urgessa – a political officer of the opposition Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a fearless advocate for justice, and a man who, until his final breath, believed in the possibility of democratic change in Ethiopia. One year later, we are still waiting for accountability. We are still waiting for truth. We are still waiting for justice.

Instead, we are met with silence, stonewalling, and state-sanctioned intimidation. This publication was the first to report that Bate was ruthlessly assassinated by government forces. 

According to a damning letter obtained , the EHRC had, within days of Bate’s killing, unearthed compelling testimony and evidence suggesting the involvement of state security forces. Eyewitnesses described vehicles matching those used by government troops, armed men in the notorious “Ranger” uniform with red bonnets, and Bate being abducted and later executed – his hands tied, body riddled with bullets. The Commission even pinpointed the time and manner of the crime. Yet instead of its investigation gaining traction, the truth was buried under the unknown.

Instead of collaborating with the investigations to uncover the truth, Oromia regional government deployed its now-familiar playbook: deflect, deny, and denounce – accusing “political entities” of capitalizing on the tragedy while threatening journalists and rights advocates from reporting what the public has a right to know.

Several months later, Bate’s widow and his children were forced into life in exile.

Let us be absolutely clear: this is not just about one man’s murder – as horrific and unjust as it was. This is about the deliberate dismantling of the rule of law and accountability in Ethiopia. If a high-profile political figure like Bate Urgessa can be abducted, executed, and denied justice in full view of the public – with federal human rights bodies openly bullied into silence – or perhaps systematically collaborated to bury the truth – what does that say about the fate of ordinary citizens?

EHRC’s findings, however preliminary, deserve public release. The Commission’s silence since April 2024 is a failure of moral and legal responsibility. Its mandate is not optional; it is enshrined in law. The people of Oromia, the family of Bate, and indeed all Ethiopians deserve to know what it uncovered. Justice delayed is justice denied – and this delay is no longer defensible.

The federal government must also answer for its abdication. What steps have been taken to ensure EHRC’s preliminary findings are protected? Where is the response to calls from international stakeholders – from the U.S. and the European Union – who have demanded a credible, neutral investigation?

Instead of transparency, we are offered a year-long impunity. Instead of accountability, we are left in the dark. This is a mockery of justice.

Bate Urgessa’s life was stolen – not in the heat of conflict, not in a moment of chaos, but in what appears to be a premeditated, politically motivated execution. His legacy should not be fear. His memory must not be erased by bureaucratic cowardice or official denial. Ethiopia cannot afford to continue normalizing extrajudicial killings. To do so would be to forfeit our collective future.

The politics of drought and pastoralism in Ethiopia

 Government policies undermine pastoralism, officially viewing it as “unsustainable” compared to agriculture. As a result, during cyclical droughts or floods that impact pastoralist communities, successive governments and regimes have turned a blind eye, failing to implement anticipatory measures or support recovery efforts after crises.

In the heart of the Awash Valley, in the semi-arid lands of the Fantalle District in Ethiopia’s Oromia region, pastoralism has sustained the Karrayyu #Oromo – a population of 130,000 – for centuries. Currently, however, the Karrayyu are facing an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. A prolonged and severe drought, compounded by recurrent seismic activity, has devastated their livelihood. Since November 2024, the region has experienced a series of gradual yet intensifying earthquakes, with both the magnitude and frequency increasing over time. These tremors have significantly disrupted pastoralist lifeways, rendering vast stretches of pastureland unusable, uprooting trees, releasing clouds of toxic gas, making boreholes dysfunctional and leading to the destruction of entire villages.

Fantalle District comprises 18 administrative villages (kebeles), the smallest units of governance under Ethiopia’s administrative system. Among these, seven villages have been entirely displaced, with their inhabitants now categorized as internally displaced persons (IDPs). The scale of displacement continues to grow as environmental shocks persist, placing immense pressure on already scarce resources. The combined effects of the ongoing drought and seismic disturbances threaten not only the survival of the Karrayyu Oromo people but also the stability of the region as a whole. Urgent intervention is required to address the mounting humanitarian needs and mitigate further displacement.

Due to insufficient rainfall last summer, the district is already experiencing drought conditions at the maximum level of tolerance. If the dry spell continues any longer, the situation will escalate into a full-blown crisis. These conditions indicate that the community has already exhausted its traditional rangelands, spanning from north to south and west to east, in search of viable grazing areas. However, the recent earthquake has further exacerbated their predicament, disrupting access to these critical rangelands. This obstruction prevents them from utilizing the full extent of their grazing lands, which are essential for their resilience during extreme droughts.

The district has long endured historical injustices regarding rangeland access and land rights. Over the years, it has lost approximately 65% of its ancestral land—territory that was not only resource-rich but also fundamental to the community’s ability to withstand environmental shocks and sustain their livelihoods. The dispossession of these lands has had profound consequences, as the most fertile and strategically important areas have been repurposed for large-scale agricultural and development projects whose products are exported out of the area, such as sugarcane, fruit, and cotton plantations.

 Over the past six years, —especially districts and zones such as Borana, Oromia—have been increasingly neglected. Support mechanisms have diminished, leaving these communities to face recurring droughts and environmental hardships with little to no external assistance. As a result, the burden they now carry is staggering—both in human and economic terms. Livelihoods have been decimated, food and water shortages have intensified, and the very survival of these pastoralist societies is under grave threat. The price they are paying is enormous and beyond imagination, as they struggle against the compounded effects of climate change, policy neglect, and dwindling resources.

Looking at the past, particularly in the southern part of the country, the Borana Zone of the Oromia region has faced severe and recurrent droughts, leading to catastrophic livestock losses. Over the course of three consecutive failed rainy seasons, the Borana pastoralist community lost approximately 3.8 million livestock, a devastating blow to their livelihoods and cultural heritage. Initially, the Borana people relied entirely on their own resilience and resourcefulness to survive. For nearly a year and a half, they sold their goats and sheep to purchase fodder in an effort to sustain their remaining livestock. However, as the drought persisted into the second year, their resources were depleted, and they ran out of animals to trade. As a result, their livestock began to perish in alarming numbers, pushing them further into economic and food insecurity.

Despite the escalating crisis, the government systematically obstructed any meaningful humanitarian response that could have provided lifesaving aid to the Borana people. Through a highly controlled bureaucratic system, relief efforts were either delayed or outright blocked, preventing timely intervention that could have mitigated the suffering. Even as the situation worsened, the government refused to officially recognize the unfolding disaster as a “humanitarian crisis,” effectively undermining any large-scale relief initiatives.

This deliberate inaction not only exacerbated the suffering of the Borana community but also raised serious concerns about the role of governance in crisis management. By failing to acknowledge the severity of the drought and its impact, the government’s response—or lack thereof—illustrated a broader pattern of neglect and control over humanitarian assistance, leaving vulnerable populations to bear the brunt of environmental catastrophes alone.

Without immediate national and international intervention, the smallest and most vulnerable communities—face the very real threat of annihilation. In this context, drought is no longer just a natural phenomenon; it has been weaponized as a means of eradicating pastoral livelihoods and, with them, centuries of indigenous knowledge and cultural identity.

Human Rights Under Siege: How security forces in Oromia fuel terror, fear to control residents through lawlessness

  In mid-January 2025, Human Rights Watch (HRW) published its overview of the human rights situation in Ethiopia for 2024. The report stated that human rights continue to be violated, pointing to extrajudicial killings, unlawful imprisonments, arbitrary arrests, attacks on civilians, and restrictions on freedoms of expression. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) moreover reported that Ethiopia is among the worst jailers of journalists in Africa. The Freedom House ranked Ethiopia as “not free” in 2023, and the World Justice Project’s Rule of Law Index for 2024 ranked Ethiopia at 134th place (of 142 countries).

These reports are, unfortunately, similar to those issued over the last years and read like “business as usual” in Ethiopia. This is, I argue, not the case. I believe that the human rights situation is not only significantly worse, but also that the reasons, motivations, and nature of human rights violations are new and quite unprecedented. Yet again, the international community ignores what is going on and is without much hesitation supporting the sitting Abiy Ahmed government and its copious projects on urban beautification.

On 14 January, prominent Oromo Politician Jawar Mohammed asked his Facebook followers to send stories and pictures of murders committed by militia members. In response, numerous stories were posted, not only accounting for killings but also on how the militia and local administrators were harassing, extorting money, and arresting people on a daily basis. A few days later, a video showing a young boy being executed point-blank by uniformed men was shared on social media. Since then, additional videos of a young boy being executed have appeared on social media.

Claims shared on social media should always be treated carefully, but in this case the posts speak to a pattern and, moreover, confirm findings from my own recent research on human rights violations in Oromia. What has emerged is a situation without law and order where government agencies at the grassroots level are acting with little or no accountability and culpability in harassing people. Rampant corruption and impunity are key drivers here, and the region’s insecurity has made labeling people as supporters of the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) a rewarding means to extract money. The central government’s demands for increased revenues have exacerbated the situation as tax collection has become similar to criminal extortion schemes. Control is, in other words, maintained through lawlessness, and security is preserved through insecurity.

While the Reuters report was detailed and revealing, it failed to understand that the Koree Nageenyaa is not only one committee at the regional level but something replicated at zonal and district levels throughout Oromia, working in parallel to institutions like the Bulchiinsaa Nageenyaa. It usually has five members, and at the district level, it consists of the district head, the head of the district security office, the police chief, and others. The Koree Nageenyaa operates as a rather informal institution, coming together on an ad hoc basis at the different levels. While its jurisdiction is unclear, what is apparent is that the very structure of the Koree Nageenyaa has enabled the government to enact security measures far removed from the public eye.

The current government’s mechanisms for control are far cruder and blunter compared with the era of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Particularly important and directly affecting people’s lives at the grassroots level are the local militias and the so-called Gaachana Sirnaa. The militia has its root in the abiot tebeqa  created during the Derg period. What is new is the establishment of a separate Office of the Militia in Oromia in 2021, the subsequent growth in the number of militias, and the extended authority they are given. Members of the militia are given uniforms—for which the local people are forced to pay—and are sometimes armed.

 The local militia can label anyone for being an OLA supporter and collect money. The common phrase is that “someone comes to you and says that we have credible information that you have links to this and that organization.” No further evidence is needed, and everybody knows it is about money. Refusal to pay easily leads to arrests, and the collaboration between local law enforcement agencies and government offices ensures the person remains in jail. Once there, “you don’t get out unless you pay.” One source told the story about a relative who was detained, accused of having links to OLA, but “the real reason was that they needed money from him… I had to pay 45,000 birr to have him released.”

The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) also documented how boys as young as 11 years old across Oromia had been subject to enforced conscription. As different zones and districts had been given quotas of boys to be recruited, local officials had to resort to forced conscription in order to meet the target. The military does not normally accept enforced conscripts, but those rounded up are often reluctant to report their cases, being afraid of reactions from local officials when they are sent back to their home areas.

Rampant corruption is a key reason for the current situation. While both the Derg and the EPRDF governments invested much in combating corruption, mechanisms put in place to curtail this loosened after 2018, and recent studies show that corruption has become a major problem in Ethiopia. Transparency International ranked Ethiopia 98th (of 180) on its corruption index in 2023, and increased public corruption is said to have “strongly affected socioeconomic development and governance.” Interlocutors across Oromia all testified to corruption being present at all levels, becoming “part of the official system,” and something “out of control.” As a result, it has become nearly impossible to get any public services without paying bribes.

It is difficult to exaggerate the impact of these tax increases, which come at a time when a worsening economic situation had already severely affected people’s livelihoods. Inflation has remained high and salaries stagnant, and while inflation has eased some over the last year, it has contributed to a poverty rate of ca. 69%, and estimations said that inflation would drive an additional 10 million people into poverty during 2024.

While this alone has created a nearly unbearable situation for ordinary people, the current situation with lack of law and order and rampant corruption has significantly exacerbated the conditions. The new tax regime has created opportunities for local authorities to overcharge the people at will. This is particularly true in the rural areas, and one source described the conditions as: “There is no law at all; it’s anarchy… anybody can ask for anything.”

 This new situation has not only led to an increase of human rights violations, but they have created a situation of unpredictability and randomness. While people with certain profiles previously would be considered at risk, this is not the case anymore. Anyone can be targeted. The current situation of lawlessness is moreover untenable, and the critical question is where people’s breaking point is. 

Ethiopia among worst jailers of journalists in Africa, CPJ says; six detained, five face terrorism charges

 Ethiopia has been listed among the worst jailers of journalists in Africa, with six journalists detained—five of whom are facing “terrorism” charges that could carry death sentences, according to the 2024 prison census by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), released Thursday.

CPJ reports that the sixth journalist, Yeshihasab Abera, was arrested in September 2024 during what authorities described as a “law enforcement operation” amidst “escalating tensions” and “mass arrests”in the region .

CPJ highlighted that Ethiopian authorities frequently employ “often-vague charges or convictions for terrorism or extremism” to imprison journalists.

Across Africa, Eritrea ranked as the worst offender, with 16 journalists imprisoned since the early 2000s without formal charges. Cameroon and Rwanda followed with five detained each, while Nigeria recorded four.

Globally, China led the list with 50 detained journalists, followed by Israel (43), Myanmar (35), Belarus (31), and Russia (30). CPJ documented at least 361 journalists imprisoned worldwide as of December 1, 2024, marking the second-highest total in its records.

In November 2024, CPJ’s five-year report presented at the UN’s Human Rights Council report revealed a significant decline in press freedom since Ethiopia’s last review. The report also addressed the lack of accountability in the killings of two journalists, physical assaults on media professionals, forced closures of media outlets, and restrictions on international journalists. “These rankings point to a broader concern. Over the last five years, Ethiopia has entrenched a pattern of arbitrarily detaining journalists,” CPJ warned, detailing the intesification of press freedom decline in Ethiopia compounded by arrests and exile of journalists amid political turmoil.

In its 2023 prison census, CPJ had designated Ethiopia as the third-worst country in Africa for the incarceration of journalists, with the tally of imprisoned Ethiopian journalists surging to eight that year.

Escalating conflict in Oromia’s Darra district exposes women, children to gender-based violence; displaced households left without livelihoods

 For years, the Darra district in the North Shewa Zone has been a hotspot of conflict within the Oromia region.

The district has been hit by waves of violence involving government forces and armed groups operating in both neighboring Amhara and Oromia regional states.

According to a recent report , the conflict in Darra has claimed the lives of at least 43 civilians since July 2024.

The recent brutal beheading of a young man in Darra, which has sparked widespread outrage, serves as further evidence of the ongoing instability and escalating violence in the district.

However, the violence in Darra is not a new phenomenon. For years, residents have expressed growing concern over the deteriorating security situation and have repeatedly called for urgent intervention by authorities to restore peace and protect civilians.

The conflict in Derra has taken a particularly harsh toll on women and women-headed households, who face challenges such as killings, gender-based violence including rape, and displacement, incapacitating them from providing for their children.

Zewditu Terefe, 41, is among the many displaced individuals from Ganda Koro Barbare Kebele in the Darra district—a place where she was born, raised, married, and nurtured her five children.

Since their displacement, life has been unbearable for Zewditu and her family.

“More than a year has passed, but there’s no sign of us returning home,” she explained. “We currently live in a plastic shelter with no access to food, proper housing, or medical care.”

Her children, too, face bleak prospects.

“They’re out of school because there’s no temporary education center in Merhabete,” she said. “I live with anxiety and depression, constantly worrying about their future and our survival.”

Gadise Tolamariam, 37, from Jiru Dada Kebele in the Derra district, also faced a similar fate. Nearly two years ago, she was forcibly displaced from her home due to escalating attacks.

Now a mother of four, Gadise faces overwhelming challenges.

“I am struggling to feed my children, and my two youngest are suffering from malaria, but there’s no clinic to treat them. My daughter is also battling measles,” she explained. “We are relying on traditional medicine to cope, as there is no assistance from the government or humanitarian organizations.”

Neither the Oromia nor the federal government has provided a humanitarian response to the crisis in the Darra district or the region in general.

 The government must create a conducive environment for internally displaced people to receive humanitarian assistance from international and non-governmental organizations.

Furthermore the government must recognize the internally displaced people from the Darra district.

Human Right reports forced conscription, arbitrary detentions and extortion in Oromia with victims including minors as young as 11

 Rights Commission (EHRC) has reported cases of forced conscription and arbitrary detentions in Oromia Regional State, accusing regional authorities of engaging in unlawful practices, including extortion targeting civilians, with victims as young as 11.

The investigation, released on December 5, 2024, was conducted between November 13 and 29, 2024. The EHRC investigation focused on detention centers in Adama, Bishoftu, Jimma, and Shashamane. Evidence was collected from detainees, their families, and local government officials.

The commission revealed, “Individuals were detained against their will under the pretext of military recruitment, and in some cases, were held until families paid for their release.”

One family in Adama reported being asked to pay 30,000 birr for the release of their 16-year-old son, who had been detained while at work.

The investigation also uncovered the detention of minors under the pretense of military recruitment. In Shashemene, the EHRC identified 14 minors aged between 15 and 16, as well as one child as young as 11, among the 32 detainees interviewed. Two 15-year-old students recounted, “When leaving school, someone promised us 25,000 birr if we joined the military. We were then taken to a detention center in Halu district, where we were not allowed to leave.”

In Adama, extortion practices were also documented. A 15-year-old boy was detained while running errands and held in a storage facility until his family paid 20,000 birr. “They told us we had to pay, or our son would be sent for military training,” the boy’s mother told the commission.

The EHRC reported that families across Oromia were coerced into paying amounts ranging from 20,000 to 100,000 birr to secure the release of their relatives.

The commission found evidence of detentions violating Ethiopia’s constitutional guarantees under Article 17, which prohibits arbitrary detention, and international treaties prohibiting forced recruitment. Military recruitment regulations under Proclamation No. 1286/2015 require enlistment to be voluntary and restricted to individuals aged 18 to 24.

There is also similar allegations of forced conscription in Oromia, with security forces allegedly targeting youth and detaining individuals who refused to enlist. Families were reportedly coerced into paying large sums to secure the release of relatives or risk them being sent for military training.

A mother from Adama City recounted how her 17-year-old son was detained while street vending and told he would be “sent to a military training camp” unless she paid 30,000 birr. Similar reports from other areas described youth being “rounded up” and taken to training camps or unknown locations.

The EHRC also highlighted the involvement of local officials in unlawful detentions, noting that defense force personnel and regional administrators collaborated to meet recruitment quotas. “Evidence indicates that certain officials exploited military conscription processes for financial gain, coercing families into paying for releases,” the commission said.

Oromia regional government and the Ministry of Defense must release all unlawfully detained individuals and ensure recruitment processes are conducted transparently and in compliance with established regulations. “Future recruitment must fully respect human rights and adhere to the rule of law,”.