Human right watch report on TPLF's rule and it's impact 2015

Hopes that Ethiopia’s government would ease its crackdown on dissent ahead of the May 2015 elections were dashed in 2014.

Instead the government continued to use arbitrary arrests and prosecutions to silence journalists, bloggers, protesters, and supporters of opposition political parties; police responded to peaceful protests with excessive force; and there was no indication of any government willingness to amend repressive legislation that was increasingly condemned for violating international standards, including at Ethiopia’s Universal Periodic Review at the United Nations Human Rights Council.

Freedom of Peaceful Assembly

Security forces have harassed and detained leaders and supporters of Ethiopian opposition parties. In July, leaders of the Semawayi (“Blue”) Party, the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ), and the Arena Tigray Party were arrested.  At time of writing, they had not been charged but remained in detention.

The Semawayi Party’s attempts to hold protests were regularly blocked in 2014.  Its applications to hold demonstrations were denied at least three times and organizers were arrested. Over the course of the year, authorities repeatedly harassed, threatened, and detained party leaders.

In June, Andargachew Tsige, a British citizen and secretary general of the Ginbot 7 organization, a group banned for advocating armed overthrow of the government, was deported to Ethiopia from Yemen while in transit. The transfer violated international law prohibitions against sending someone to a country where they are likely to face torture or other mistreatment. Tsige had twice been sentenced to death in absentia for his involvement with Ginbot 7.  He was detained incommunicado in Ethiopia without access to family members, legal counsel, or United Kingdom consular officials for more than six weeks. He remains in detention in an unknown location.

Protests by members of some Muslim communities against perceived government interference in their religious affairs continued in 2014, albeit with less frequency. As in 2013, these protests were met by excessive force and arbitrary arrests from security forces. The trials continue of the 29 protest leaders who were arrested and charged under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation in July 2012.

We need justice!

In April and May, protests erupted in towns throughout the region of Oromia against the planned expansion of Addis Ababa’s municipal boundary into Oromia. Security personnel used excessive force, including live ammunition, against protesters in several cities. At least several dozen people were confirmed dead and hundreds were arrested. Many of them remain in custody without charge.

Restrictions on human rights monitoring and on independent media make it difficult to ascertain the precise extent of casualties and arrests. Foreign journalists who attempted to reach the demonstrations were turned away or detained by security personnel. Ethnic Oromos make up approximately 45 percent of Ethiopia’s population and are often arbitrarily arrested and accused of belonging to the banned Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).

Freedom of Association

The Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSO law), enacted in 2009, has severely curtailed the ability of independent nongovernmental organizations to work on human rights. The law bars work on human rights, good governance, conflict resolution, and advocacy on the rights of women, children and people with disabilities if organizations receive more than 10 percent of their funds from foreign sources. The law was more rigorously enforced in 2014.

In March, Ethiopia was approved for membership in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), which promotes transparency on oil, gas, and mining revenues, despite the requirement for candidate countries to make a commitment to meaningful participation of independent groups in public debate on natural resource management. Ethiopia’s previous application was denied in 2010 based on concerns over the CSO law.

Freedom of Expression

Media remain under a government stranglehold, with many journalists having to choose between self-censorship, harassment and arrest, or exile. In 2014, dozens of journalists and bloggers fled the country following threats. In August 2014, the owners of six private newspapers were charged following a lengthy campaign of threats and harassment against their publications. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, Ethiopia is one of three countries in the world with the highest number of journalists in exile.

Since 2009, the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation has been used to target political opponents, stifle dissent, and silence journalists. In July, Ethiopia charged 10 bloggers and journalists known as the Zone 9 Collective under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation after they spent over 80 days in pre-charge detention.  The charges included having links to banned opposition groups and trying to violently overthrow the government. The bloggers regularly wrote about current events in Ethiopia. Among the evidence cited was attending a digital security training course in Kenya and the use of “security in-a-box”--a publicly available training tool used by advocates and human rights defenders. Due process concerns have marred the court proceedings.

Other journalists convicted under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation-including Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu, and Woubshet Taye-remain in prison.

The government continues to block even mildly critical web pages and blogs. The majority of opposition media websites are blocked and media outlets regularly limit their criticism of government in order to be able to work in the country.

The government regularly monitors and records telephone calls, particularly international calls, among family members and friends. Such recordings are often played during interrogations in which detainees are accused of belonging to banned organizations. Mobile networks have been shut down during peaceful protests and protesters’ locations identified using information from their mobile phones. The government has monitored digital communications using highly intrusive spyware that monitors all activity on an individual’s computer, including logging of keystrokes and recording of skype calls. The government’s monopoly over all mobile and Internet services through its sole, state-owned telecom operator, Ethio Telecom, facilitates abuse of surveillance powers.

Abuses of Migrant Workers

Hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians continue to pursue economic opportunities in Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Bahrain, and other Gulf countries, risking mistreatment from human traffickers along the migration routes. In Yemen, migrants have been taken captive by traffickers in order to extort large sums of money from their family members. In late 2013 and early 2014, hundreds of thousands of migrant workers, mainly Ethiopians, were detained and deported from Saudi Arabia to Ethiopia. Saudi security forces and civilians attacked Ethiopians, prompting restrictions on migration to certain countries.

Forced Displacement

Both the government of Ethiopia and the donor community failed to adequately investigate allegations of abuses associated with Ethiopia’s “villagization program.” Under this program, 1.5 million rural people were planned to be relocated, ostensibly to improve their access to basic services. Some relocations during the program’s first year in Gambella region were accompanied by violence, including beatings, arbitrary arrests, and insufficient consultation and compensation.

Being and Becoming A Global Nation: The Oromo of East Africa

By Dorii Abbaa Fugug | January 28, 2015
Globalization is a phenomenon that has been metamorphosing from negative imperialistic connotation background to more positive, progressive and cherished representation. However, it is still suffering from cynicism and prejudice as some group of nations continuously prospering on the expense of others mortification.  Long before the existence of the term globalization and when the concept of globalization is not as comprehensive as today people were fighting over the dominance and some of them with the only rudimentary awareness of the glob and aspired to dominate the world mainly to maximize their sphere of influence or revenues. Others had mainly focused in strongly defending their territory and live in peace and tranquility for many centuries. The Oromo people were among those strong, democratic and peaceful nations in the region. 
However, their unshakeable power in the region for many centuries prior to European conquest was deranged; and with help of colonizers’ superior armaments; the once dying Abyssinian enclave happened to control the mighty Oromo nation. Thus with extraordinary weaponry supplies and unrelenting advice of their masters, this “dependent colony” strived and maintained its power over the Great Nation for over a century.
During this time, the Abyssinians tried their best not only to completely eradicate the Oromo identities (language, cultural, etc.), but they had also committed ethnic cleansing in which the Oromo population was reduced in half. They prohibited the Afaan Oromo from spoken in public or in offices and further worked hard to make the Oromo totally ignorant of the world around them. In other words they destroyed all traditional relationships with their neighbors and effectively blocked their interaction with them and the entire world at large.
For instance, until the Italian period in 1935-41, the Oromo males were not allowed to go to market (magalaa/gaba’aa/ katama) as they were killed by Naftangas as “cursed and unruly enemies”. On the other hand, the Oromo were also neither surrendered their dignity easily or stopped fighting them during this time. Patriotic Oromos like Muce Ahmed Muce was remembered by countless banana trees he planted on the graves of Naftanyas he killed. He is also remembered by eating Minelik’s commander, waldegebriel Aba Seyxan’e ear. I am very sure many Oromos from different corners of the Country havesimilar stories to tell.

Oromia Shall be free!!!

During the emperor period and afterwards, the Oromo were discouraged to have any access to outside world be it in terms of business, education or any travels. They were geven, derogatory mistrusting nomenclatures like Aligaza bay “galla” (unruly “gella”) during Menilek; Banda(collaborators) during Hailesillasie; sargogab ( infiltrators) during Mengistu and OLF during Melles Zenawi (wayyane) regime only for the purpose of justifying the killing or robbing of the innocent Oromos. Yet, the Oromo continued to abjure such Abyssinian aspersion and illegally trekked to the neighbouring Somalia, Yemen, Sudan and other Arab countries.
These assiduous and risky defiant encounters resulted in creating Oromo heroes like Waqo Gutu, Jarra Abba Gada, Elemo Qilxu and many, many others who were the key for the formation of Oromo Liberation Army. History also witnesses thousands of Oromo who were captured and massacred by Abyssinian militias while crossing the border. Some of them were even followed and killed in neighboring countries. People like Ayyub Abubake, Jahatani Gurmu, Mullis Ababa Gada, etc, are the case in point. It was in this defiant and antipathy of Abyssinian anathema that the most precious Oromo freedom fighters, the eleven members the top OLF leaders, perished in the hands of hostile Ogadenian bandits, while travelling to Somalia for diplomatic purposes.

Two Oromo Farmers in Salale Brutally Murdered;

Two Oromo Farmers in Salale Brutally Murdered; Their Bodies Dragged and Put on Pubic Display for Resisting Oppression Against Tigrean Habesha Rulers [Viewer Discretion Advised: Graphic Photo]

 “Some might doubt such a barbaric action actually happened in the present day. But it did. This picture was taken on December 9, 2014, in Oromia, Salale province, Darra district, Goro Maskala town. The government soldiers killed Katama Wubatu and his comrade whole rebelled due to harassment, dragged their body through the town and displayed it like this as way of terrorizing the public.

“Goota Oromoo maqaa shiftaa itti dhoobuun ajjeesanii ummata sodaachisuuf addababayitti fannisuun waan haarayaa miti. Oromoon falmataa malee shiftaa hin qabu. Shiftaan kan hojii jibba waan namni biraa hojjate saamu. Ilmaan Oromoo maqaan shiftaa itti dhoobamu warra roorroo mataa isaanii, firaafi saba isanitirraa gahu nuffuun ofirraa faccisuuf fincilani. Akkuma gootota Oromoo suuraa kanarratti mul’atan, Katamaa Wubeetuufi jaala isa, godhan kana kaleessa, Hagarii Tulluu, Hamidoo Ibroo, Habiibifi kanneen biroos erga diina kuffisanii kufanii booda reeffa isaanii lafarra harkisaanii fannisan. Haalli sun garuu Oromoota waan san daaw’atan garaa gubee gootota kumaatam dhalche malee sodaachisee diinaaf hin oggolchiifne. Ilmaan Oromoo karaa itti fakkaateefi danda’an maraan diinarratti duuluun haqas, barbaachisaadhas. Katamaafi jaalli isaatis seenaan isaanii tarree gootota bilisummaai kabajaa saba isaanitif kufanii cinatti galmaaya. Mee Oromoota bifa kanaan shiftaa jedhamanii diinaan ajjeefaman warra beektan maqaafi seenaa isaanii gabaabaa armaan gaditti barreessaa. Walitti kuufamee gaafa tokko galmee sirnaa ta’uu danda’a.

“HUB: gochi fokkisaan diinaa kun Katamaa fa’arratti kan raaw’atame ji’a dabre, Muddee 9, 2014.”

Two Oromo Farmers in Salale Brutally Murdered; Their Bodies Dragged and Put on Pubic Display for Resisting Oppression Against Tigrean Habesha Rulers

Ethiopia: Media being decimated

Human Rights Watch

(Nairobi) – The Ethiopian government’s systematic repression of independent media has created a bleak landscape for free expression ahead of the May 2015 general elections, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. In the past year, six privately owned publications closed after government harassment; at least 22 journalists, bloggers, and publishers were criminally charged, and more than 30 journalists fled the country in fear of being arrested under repressive laws.


The 76-page report, “‘Journalism is Not a Crime’: Violations of Media Freedom in Ethiopia ,” details how the Ethiopian government has curtailed independent reporting since 2010. Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 70 current and exiled journalists between May 2013 and December 2014, and found patterns of government abuses against journalists that resulted in 19 being imprisoned for exercising their right to free expression, and that have forced at least 60 others into exile since 2010.

“Ethiopia’s government has systematically assaulted the country’s independent voices, treating the media as a threat rather than a valued source of information and analysis,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director. “Ethiopia’s media should be playing a crucial role in the May elections, but instead many journalists fear that their next article could get them thrown in jail.”

Most of Ethiopia’s print, television, and radio outlets are state-controlled, and the few private print media often self-censor their coverage of politically sensitive issues for fear of being shut down.

The six independent print publications that closed in 2014 did so after a lengthy campaign of intimidation that included documentaries on state-run television that alleged the publications were linked to terrorist groups. The intimidation also included harassment and threats against staff, pressure on printers and distributors, regulatory delays, and eventually criminal charges against the editors. Dozens of staff members went into exile. Three of the owners were convicted under the criminal code and sentenced in absentia to more than three years in prison. The evidence the prosecution presented against them consisted of articles that criticized government policies.

While the plight of a few high-profile Ethiopian journalists has become widely known, dozens more in Addis Ababa and in rural regions have suffered systematic abuses at the hands of security officials.

The threats against journalists often take a similar course. Journalists who publish a critical article might receive threatening telephone calls, text messages, and visits from security officials and ruling party cadres. Some said they received hundreds of these threats. If this does not silence them or intimidate them into self-censorship, then the threats intensify and arrests often follow. The courts have shown little or no independence in criminal cases against journalists who have been convicted after unfair trials and sentenced to lengthy prison terms, often on terrorism-related charges.

Bakalchoo Barii:- The Ethiopian Empire Formation and Its Consequences on the Oromo and Beyond

By Bakalchoo Barii*

With the help of the then three colonial powers, Minilik, the Abyssinian king, managed to break and conquer the Oromo country and beyond in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. Following this war of conquest, the invading Abyssinian colonial army, not only committed genocide on the entire Oromo, Walayita, Sidama and other people, but also committed cultural, historical, social, economical genocides in these new frontiers by imposing the Abyssinian culture, language, way of life, administrations and religion. These crimes were committed by presenting anything Abyssinian as superior to the languages, cultures, systems of governance of the new colonies, as Europeans did practice when they conquered vast territories in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

Thanks to their heroes and heroines, the Oromo and the Southern peoples, began the journey of re-claiming what has been theirs and are re-writing their own history.

Like other empires in history, the Ethiopian Empire shall collapse by the subject-peoples, on which it was built on, and that process of decolonization and the wheel of freedom is marching forward with full gear so that those subject-nations can claim their due place among the free nations of the world.

The late P.T.W. Baxter spent much of his time studying mainly the Boran and the Arsi Oromos. Paul Baxter documented and wrote many research books and articles on the Oromo way of life, their Gadaa system of governance and their experiences under the Ethiopian empire after the Minilik colonial army managed to conquer much of the Oromo land and the Southern land by default and with the help of the then European Colonial powers, the French, the British and the Italians.

In his research article titled “Ethiopia’s Unacknowledged Problem: The Oromo” (July 1978), he wrote the following:

“Each of the Oromo people has a distinctive history but all have shared comparable experiences. Perhaps I may select a few observed by myself in Arssi to illustrate some common types of Oromo experience.

“They [the Arssi and the Oromo country beyond] were finally subjugated by Shoan gunpower in 1887 after six different annual campaigns which R.H Kofi Darkwa, the Ghanaian historian of Minilik’s reign, summarizes as ‘perhaps the most sustained and the most bloody war which Menilek undertook’.”

The above description of the sustained and bloody campaign of Minilik resulted in the cutting of limps of men of all ages, breasts of women of the Arssi Oromos, which many Oromo anthropologists, historians and the elderly equate to the genocide committed against the Armenians by the Ottman Turkish Empire during the First World War, in which over a million Armenians were killed.

Paul Baxter and John Hinnant, who both studied the Arssi, the Boran and the Guji Oromos in the 1960s, summarized the experiences of those Oromos under conquest as the following: “The Arssi described their conquest by Abyssinians as the commencement of an era of miseries, since which life has not run as God intended it but out of true.” “The Boran likewise divided their history into two eras, before and after, the first of which was good and the second bad” to describe what colonization has brought upon them.

Similarly, John Hinnant described the experiences of the Guji Oromos as tending “to blame all social problems on their incorporation into the Ethiopian empire.”

The above feelings and humiliation expressed and felt by the Boran, the Arssi and the Guji Oromos are the same as the feelings and humiliation felt by the Oromos of the Wollo, the Rayya, the Karayu, the Ittu, the Leqa, the Mecha, and the Tulama.

One would always ask how successive Abyssinians regimes managed to rule over the Southern nations, including the Oromos (currently known as the subjects or colonies), who constitute more than two-third of the entire population of the Ethiopian Empire for so long?

The precise answer to the above question was given by Paul Baxter in his article “Ethiopia’s Unacknowledged Problem: The Oromo,” in which he says “The absolute political domination and cultural dominance of the Amhara [now the Tigreans], has resulted in the public presentation of Ethiopia as a state with a much more unitary culture than, in fact, it has. Even scholars has come to accept Ethiopia at the evaluation of its own sophisticated and charming elites.”

“አእምሮዬ አልዳነም!” ዖጋዴን! - የገሃነም ደጅ

“በማዕከላዊ እስር ቤት ውስጥ ቶርቸር (አካላዊ ስቃይ) የሚፈጸምባቸው ጩኸታቸው ይሰማኛል፡፡ የቃሊቲ ማጎሪያ ውስጥ የታሰሩ ተማሪዎች፣ ጋዜጠኞች፣ ፖለቲከኞች፣ የሃይማኖት መሪዎች፣ ንጹሃን ዜጎች፣ ስቃይ አሁንም ከፊቴ አለ፤ የሚሞቱት ሰዎች ሊረሱኝ አይችሉም፤ የእስር ቤቱ ጠረንና ሽታ ይከተለኛል፤ በአካል ደህና ብመስልም አእምሮዬ ግን አሁን ድረስ ሰላም የለውም” በማለት የስዊድን ጋዜጠኛ ማርቲን ሺብዬ በተለይ ለጎልጉል የድረገጽ ጋዜጣ ተናገረ፡፡

አንድ ዓመት ከሁለት ወር (14 ወራት) ከሥራ ባልደረባው ዮሐን ፔርሶን ጋር ኢህአዴግ አስሮት የነበረው ጋዜጠኛ ሺብዬ ለጎልጉል የአውሮጳ ዘጋቢ ይህንን የተናገረው በዖጋዴን ክልል የተፈጸመውን ጭፍጨፋ የሚያጋልጥ ዘጋቢ ፊልም መሰራጨቱን ተከትሎ ለቀረበለት ጥያቄ መልስ በሰጠበት ወቅት ነው፡፡

“በአካል ሰላም አለኝ፤ አእምሮዬ ግን አልዳነም፤ ሁሌም እረበሻለሁ፤ በዓይኔ ያየኋቸው፣ በጆሮዬ የሰማኋቸውና በበቂ ምስክሮች ያረጋገጥኳቸው ሁኔታዎች ዕረፍት ይነሱኛል” ሲል አስተያየቱን የጀመረው ሺብዬ በኢትዮጵያ እየተፈጸመ ያለው የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰትና ግፍ ከሙያው አስገዳጅነት በመነሣት ከተባባሪዎቹ ጋር በመሆን ለዓለም እንደሚያሳውቅ ግልጽ አድርጓል፡፡

ከጥቂት ሳምንታት በፊት “ከፌዴራል ፖሊስ ምርመራ ተገኘ” በሚል ዘወትር እሁድ በሚተላለፈው የፖሊስ ክፍለ ጊዜ የተላለፈውን ዘጋቢ ፊልም (ድርሰት) የኢህአዴግን ዓመታዊ ቋት የምትሞላውን አሜሪካ በእስረኞች አያያዝ የገሃነም ተምሳሌት አድርጎ ያቀረበ ነው፡፡ ኢህአዴግ በልማት ስም የሚያገኘውንና ለባለሥልጣኖቹ የግል ሃብት ማካበቻ እንዲሁም በየጎሬው ለተፈጠሩ እስር ቤቶች ግንባታ የሚደጉሙትን አገራት በሰብዓዊ መብት አያያዝ ከዜሮ በታች አድርጎ ያብጠለጠለ ነበር፡፡ ከተለያዩ ድረገጾችና የዩትዩብ ምስሎች በተለያዩ እስርቤት ያሉትን በማነጋገር ተገጣጥሞ የቀረበው “ድርሰት” (ዘጋቢ ፊልም) ተከትሎ ይሁን አይሁን በግልጽ ባይታወቅም የኢህአዴግ የልብ ወዳጅ ኖርዌይ እነ ሺብዬ ያዘጋጁትን ዘጋቢ ፊልም ይፋ አድርጋለች፡፡

Nrk2 በተሰኘው የኖርዌይ መንግሥታዊ ቴሌቪዥን ማስተባበል በማይቻልበት ደረጃ በዖጋዴን የተፈጸመውን ርኅራኄ የሌለውን ዘግናኝ ሰቆቃ ለመመልከት ተችሏል፡፡ (በተለይ በአውሮጳ የሚኖሩ ቪዲዮውን እዚህ ላይ መመልከት ይችላሉ -http://tv.nrk.no/program/KOID27002013/fanga-i-etiopia)

የቀድሞ የክልሉ ፕሬዚዳንት አማካሪና የሚዲያ ክፍል ኃላፊ የነበረው አቶ አብዱላሂ ሁሴን ከሱማሌ ክልል ይዞት ወደ አውሮጳ ባመጣው በራሱ በኢህአዴግ ባለሙያዎች የተቀዱ ማስረጃዎች፣ ሰለባዎችና የክልሉ (ምክትል) ፕሬዚዳንት በግልጽ ሰቆቃና ግፍን ሲያውጁ በሚሰማበት፤ ወታደሮች ሲገድሉ፤ በቢሮ ግምገማ ላይ ተቀምጠው ስለፈጸሙት የግፍ ጀብዱ ሲተርኩና የፈጸሙት ግፍ አልቃም ተብሎ ሲገመገሙ እንደወረደ በሚያሳየው በዚህ ዘጋቢ ፊልም የእነ ሺብዬ መከራ በውል ቀርቧል፡፡ (ቪዲዮውን እዚህ ላይ መመልከት ይቻላል - http://vimeo.com/73861187) በተለይም ፎቶ አንሺው ዮሐን ፔርሶን የክንዱ አጥንት በጥይት ተሰብሮ፣ ጭንቅላቱን አሸዋ ውስጥ ቀብረው ስቃዩን ሲያዳምጡ የሚያሳየው ምስል እጅግ የሚዘገንን ነው፡፡ ኢህአዴግ በእስረኞች አያያዝ “ጻድቀ ጻድቃን” ነኝ ባለ 24 ሰዓት ባልሞላ ጊዜ ውስጥ የኖርዌይ ቴሌቪዥን ያሰራጨው ዘጋቢ ፊልም የኢህአዴግን አውሬነት ያሳየ ለመሆኑ አብዛኞች አስተያየት እየሰጡ ነው፡፡

የኢህአዴግ የልብ ወዳጅና የልማት አጋር ኖርዌይ እንዲህ ዓይነት ጠንካራ የዲፕሎማሲ ጉዳዮችን ሊነካካ በሚችል ጉዳይ ጣልቃ ስትገባ ይህ በመጀመሪነት የሚጠቀስ ነው፡፡ እንግዲህ ይህንን ተከትሎ ነበር ጋዜጠኛ ሺብዬ አስተያየት የሰጠው፡፡ እርሱ እንደሚለው ሙያዊ ኃላፊነቱ በዚህ በዖጋዴን የሚፈጸመውን ጭፍጨፋ እንዲጋልጥ አነሳስቶታል፡፡ ለወትሮው ወደ ዖጋዴን አንድም ሚዲያ እና የሲቪክ ተቋማት ድርሽ እንዳይሉ በሩን ጠርቅሞ የዘጋው ኢህአዴግ ባላሰበውና ባልጠበቀው መንገድ እነ ጋዜጠኛ ሺብዬ ይህንኑ ለመዘገብ ክልሉን ዘልቀው ሊገቡ ችለው ነበር፡፡

“ያየነውን ለዓለም ማሳየት፣ የኢህአዴግን ፕሮፓጋንዳ ማጋለጥ ዓላማችን ነው” የሚለው ሺብዬ በፖሊስ ፕሮግራም ቀረበ ስለተባለው የኢህአዴግ “ድርሰት” የሰጠው ምላሽ (ኢህአዴግ ይህንን ያህል ከሚለፋ) ማዕከላዊን እና ቃሊቲን ለጋዜጠኞች፣ ለቀይ መስቀልና ለዓለምአቀፍ ተቋማት ክፍት በማድረግ ምስክር ማግኘት ብቻ ይበቃዋል ሲል ፕሮፓጋንዳውን አጣጥሎታል፡፡ በቃሊቲ እስረኞች እንደሚሞቱ፣ በቂ የሚባል መጸዳጃ እንኳን እንደሌለ የተናገረው ሺብዬ አሁን ያለሁበት ቦታ የፈለኩትን ማድረግ የምችልበት ቢሆንም እዚያ ያሉትን ንጹሃን መዘንጋት ግን አይቻለኝም፤ ዘወትር እረበሻለሁ” በማለት ተናግሯል፡፡ በማያያዝም ይህንኑ ኢህአዴግን የሚያጋልጥ በእንግሊዝኛ የተጻፈ መጽሐፍ በሚቀጥለው ወር ለገበያ እንደሚበቃ አስታውቋል፡፡ በመጨረሻም በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በእስር ለሚማቅቁ ወገኖች መልካም ቀን እንዲመጣ ምኞቱን ገልጾዋል፡፡

ይህ በእንዲህ እንዳለ ዘጋቢ ፊልሙ ይፋ በሆነ ማግስት ዓለምአቀፉ የጦር ወንጀለኞች መርማሪ ኮሚሽን በክልሉ ምክትል ፕሬዚዳንት አብዱላሂ ወሬራ እና በመመሪያ ሰጪዎቹ የህወሃት/ኢህአዴግ ባለሥልጣናት በጦር ወንጀለኝነት ለመክሰስ ምርመራ ማካሄድ መጀመሩ ታውቋል፡፡

ሁለቱ የስዊድን ጋዜጠኞች በእስር በነበሩበት ወቅት አቶ መለስ “የጥቁርም የነጭም ደም ቀይ ነው” በማለት ለፈጠሩት ፓርላማ ሲፈላሰፉና በህግ የበላይነት እንደሚያምኑ እያስጨበጨቡ ሲናገሩ ቢቆዩም የልመና ኮሮጃቸውን የሚሞሉት የምዕራባውያን ዜጎችን አስረው መቀጠል እንደማይችሉ ሲረዱ “በዕርቅ” መፍታታቸው መዘገቡ አይዘነጋም፡፡

በሌላ በኩል ጎልጉል የድረገጽ ጋዜጣ ዖጋዴን ዙሪያው ገባ ታጥሮ ሰሚና ተመልካች እንዳይኖር ተደርጎ የከፋ ወንጀል ሲካሄድ እንደነበር የስዊድን ጋዜጠኞች ዜና ሳይሰማ ያገባናል ለሚሉ ወገኖች ሁሉ የማሳሰቢያ ዜና መስራቱ ይታወሳል፡፡ በተለይም የአዲሲቷ ኢትዮጵያ የጋራ ንቅናቄ በቀጥታ ድርጊቱን በማውገዝ መግለጫ ማውጣቱ አይዘነጋም፡፡ ከመግለጫው የተወሰደው ቃል እንዲህ ይነበባል፡-

የህክምና ተለማማጅ ተማሪዎች የሚያደርሱት ጉዳት ትኩረት ይሻል

ተለማማጆቹ በህሙማን ላይ የማዘዝ ስልጣናቸው እስከ ምን ድረስ ነው?
ተማሪዎቹ በየሆስፒታሎቹ የሚስተናገዱበት ወጥነት ያለው ሥርዓት የለም
ተማሪዎቹ በሚፈጥሩት ስህተት በህሙማኑ ላይ እስከሞት የሚደርስ ጉዳት ይከሰታል

“በደረሰብኝ ድንገተኛ የመኪና አደጋ ሣቢያ በጥቁር አንበሣ ሆስፒታል ለወራት ተኝቼ ስታከም ነበር፡፡ በእነዚህ ጊዜያትም በሆስፒታሉ ውስጥ ለተግባር ልምምድ ከግል የጤና ኮሌጆች በመጡ ተለማማጅ ተማሪዎች ተደጋጋሚ ችግሮች ሲከሰቱ አስተውያለሁ፡፡  በሆስፒታሉ ቆይታዬ እኔም በቀሪው የህይወት ዘመኔ አብሮኝ ለሚዘልቅ የጤና ችግር የዳረገኝ ግን የህመም ማስታገሻ መድሃኒት በመርፌ ለመስጠት ሙከራ ባደረገች አንዲት ተለማማጅ ተማሪ በእግር ነርቮቼ ላይ የደረሰው ጉዳት ነበር፡፡ በመኪናው አደጋ ጉዳት ለደረሰባቸው አንገቴና የራስ ቅሌ የሚደረግልኝ ህክምና ከፍተኛ ህመምና ስቃይ ስለነበረው የህመም ማስታገሻ መድሃኒት በየአራት ሰዓት ልዩነት እወስድ ነበር፡፡ በዚህም ሳቢያ መድሃኒቱ በመርፌ በሚሰጥበት ወቅት ከሚሰማው ስሜት ጋር ተለማምጄ ነበር፡፡ በተለማማጅ ተማሪዋ መርፌውን የተወጋሁ ቀን የተሰማኝ የህመም ስሜት ግን ፈጽሞ ልቋቋመው የምችለው አልነበረም፡፡ ጩኸቴ አስደንግጧት ከሥፍራው የደረሰች አንዲት መደበኛ ነርስ፤ ተማሪዋን መርፌውን በአግባቡ እንዳልወጋችኝና ይህም በነርቮቼ ላይ ጉዳት ሊያስከትል እንደሚችል በቁጣ ስትነግራት ሰምቼ ነበር፡፡ እንደተባለውም የሁለት ወራት ከአስራ ስምንት ቀን የሆስፒታል ቆይታዬን አጠናቅቄና በመኪናው አደጋ ሣቢያ ከደረሰብኝ ጉዳት አገግሜ ከሆስፒታሉ ስወጣ በእግሮቼ ነርቮች ላይ ዕድሜ ልኬን አብሮኝ ለሚዘልቅ የጤና ችግር መዳረጌን ተገንዝቤአለሁ፡፡ በግራው እግሬ ላይ በደረሰው ችግርም ያለ ድጋፍ መንቀሳቀስ ተስኖች ካለፉት ስድስት ዓመታት ለዚያች ተለማማጅ ተማሪ ያጋለጠኝን ዕድሌን እየረገምኩ እኖራለሁ፡፡ ይህ ጉዳይ ሃይ ባይ ማጣቱና ትኩረት መነፈጉ ሁልጊዜም የሚገርመኝ ጉዳይ ነው፡፡ ሃኪሞች ጉዳቱ ከመኪናው አደጋ ጋር የተያያዘ እንደሆነ በመግለፅ ሊያሣምኑኝ ብዙ ጥረት አድርገዋል፡፡ ይሁን እንጂ በወቅቱ በሥፍራው በነበሩ የህክምና ባለሙያዎች መርፌውን ያለአግባብ በመወጋቴ ምክንያት በእግር ነርቮቼ ላይ ጉዳት እንደደረሰ ተነግሮኛል፡፡ በተለያዩ የግል ክሊኒኮችም ህክምና ሳደርግ ቆይቻለሁ፡፡ ሆስፒታሉ የደረሰውን ችግር ለማድበስበስ ከመሞከር ይልቅ ችግሩ ዳግም እንዳይከሰት ለማድረግ የሚችልበት መንገድ ላይ ትኩረት ሰጥቶ መሥራት አለበት፡፡ የእኔ አንዴ የሆነ ጉዳይ ነው፡፡ ግን በዚህ መልኩ ተማሪዎቹ በህሙማን ላይ የሚፈጥሩትን የጤና ጉዳት ለማስቀረት ህብረተሰቡ፣ የጤና ባለሙያዎች፣ ኮሌጆቹና መንግስት የሚጠበቅባቸውን ማድረግ ይገባቸዋል፡፡ ችግሩ በሁሉም ሰው ላይ እስኪደርስ ድረስ መጠበቁ አግባብ አይመስለኝም፣ መሸፋፈኑም የትም አያደርስም፡፡ ችግሩን ገልጦ ማየትና መፍትሔ መፈለግ ነው የሚያዋጣው፡፡” 
ይህንን ያለችኝ በደረሰባት ድንገተኛ የመኪና አደጋ ምክንያት በጥቁር አንበሣ ሆስፒታል ለወራት ተኝታ ህክምናዋን ስትከታተል የቆየችውና በአካል ድጋፍ (በክራንች) የምትንቀሳቀሰው የአዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርሲቲ የሶስተኛ ዓመት የውጪ ቋንቋዎችና ሥነ ጽሑፍ ተማሪዋ ወ/ሪት ኤልሣቤጥ ታምራት ናት፡፡ 
ከአመት በፊት በቅዱስ ጳውሎስ ሆስፒታል ተፈፀመ የተባለውና ከጉሉኮስ ጋር በተያያዘ የህክምና ስህተት ሣቢያ የተፈጠረውን ችግር በሆስፒታሉ ረዘም ላሉ አመታት በነርስነት ያገለገሉት (ስማቸውን መግለጽ ያልፈለጉ) የጤና ባለሙያ ነግረውናል፡፡ “ለተግባር ልምምድ ወደ ሆስፒታል የማመጡት ተማሪዎች ችኩሎች በመሆናቸው አንድን ነገር አይተው ከመማር ይልቅ በተግባር አድርገው ማወቅን ይመርጣሉ፡፡ ይህ ደግሞ ብዙ ዋጋን ያስከፍላል፡፡ በሰው ህይወት ላይ ሙከራ እያደረጉ መማር ማለት እኮ ነው፡፡ ልጆቹን ተከታትሎ የሚመራና የሚያስተምራቸው፣ ማድረግ ያለባቸውንና የሌለባቸውን የሚነግራቸው ሰው ያስፈልጋቸዋል፡፡ ከዚህ በተጨማሪ ህብረተሰቡ ራሱ ተማሪዎቹ የሚያደርጉትን ነገር በደንብ መከታተል፣ ችግር ያለ መስሎ ከተሰማው ለህክምና ባለሙያው መጠቆም ይገባል፡፡ ያለበለዚያ የሚፈጠረውን ችግር ማቆሙ ቀላል የሚሆን አይመስለኝም” ብለዋል፡፡ 
በተመሳሳይ ሁኔታ በጋንዲ ሆስፒታል በኦፕሬሽን ለመውለድ ዝግጅት ታደርግ ለነበረች ነፍሰጡር ሴት ካቴተር (አርቲፊሻል የሽንት ማስወገጃ መሣሪያ) ለመግጠም ሙከራ ስታደርግ ስህተት በፈፀመች ተለማማጅ ተማሪ ምክንያት በነፍሰጡሯ ላይ የደረሰው ችግር፣ በራስ ደስታ ሆስፒታል ለላብራቶሪ ምርመራ ደም ለመቅዳት ሞክሮ ባልተሣካለት ተለማማጅ ተማሪ የተፈፀመው ችግር፣ በዘውዲቱ ሆስፒታል በዶክተሩ የታዘዘውን መድሃኒት ከታዘዘው መጠን በላይ እንዲወስዱ በማድረግ የተፈፀመ ስህተት፣ በጥቁር አንበሣ ሆስፒታል በዋናው ሃኪም የታዘዘውን መድሃኒት በሌላ መድሃኒት ቀይሮ በመስጠት የተፈፀመው ስህተት ተጠቃሽ ናቸው፡፡ 
ለመሆኑ እነዚህና መሰል ችግሮችን እየፈፀሙ የሚገኙትን እነዚህን ተለማማጅ የህክምና ተማሪዎች እንቅስቃሴ የሚከታተል አካል ማነው? ተለማማጅ ተማሪዎቹስ በህሙማን ላይ ያላቸው ስልጣን እምን ድረስ ነው?
የአገሪቱን የህክምና ባለሙያዎች እጥረት ለመቅረፍና የህክምና ባለሙያዎችን ቁጥር ለማሳደግ በሚል ዓላማ በርካታ የግል የጤና ኮሌጆችና ዩንቨርሲቲዎች ተከፍተው ተማሪዎችን በህክምና ሙያ በማሰልጠን ላይ ይገኛሉ፡፡ ኮሌጆቹ የሚያስተምሯቸውን ተማሪዎች በንድፈ ሃሳብና በተግባር በማሰልጠን ብቁ ባለሙያዎች ለማድረግ ጥረት ያደርጋሉ፡፡ ተማሪዎቹ በክፍል ውስጥ የተሰጣቸውን የንድፈ ሃሳብ ትምህርት በተግባር እንዲያዩና የሥራ ላይ ልምምድ እንዲያደርጉም ወደ ተለያዩ የጤና ተቋማት ይልካሉ፡፡ እነዚህ ተለማማጅ ተማሪዎችን ተቀብለው የሚያስተናግዱት የጤና ተቋማት፣ ተማሪዎቹ የሚመሩበትና የሚተዳደሩበት ወጥ የሆነ አሰራርና ደንብ ስለሌላቸው በርካታ ችግሮች እንደሚፈጠሩ ባለሙያዎች ይናገራሉ፡፡ አንድ ስማቸው እንዳይገለፅ የፈለጉ የጥቁር አንበሣ ሆስፒታል የህክምና ባለሙያ እንደነገሩን፤ በአገራችን እንደዚህ ባሉ ጉዳዮች ላይ ጥናት ማድረግ የተለመደ ባለመሆኑ በማስረጃ የተደገፈ አሃዝ ለማቅረብ ቢቸግርም በተለማማጅ የህክምና ተማሪዎች በሚፈፀሙ የህክምና ስህተቶች የደረሱ በርካታ አሳዛኝና አስደንጋጭ ጉዳቶች አሉ፡፡ “ተማሪዎቹ በንድፈ ሃሳብ ያገኙትን ትምህርት በተግባር ለማየትና ራሳቸውን ለመፈተን ከፍተኛ ጉጉት አላቸው፡፡ በዚህም ምክንያት ችኩሎች ሲሆኑ ነገሮችን ተረጋግተው ለማጤን ዝግጁ አይደሉም፡፡ ከዚህ በተጨማሪም ተማሪዎቹ ለተግባር ትምህርቱ እንግዳ ስለሚሆኑ ድንጉጥና ፈሪ ይሆናሉ፡፡ ይሄ ደግሞ በህሙማን ላይ ችግር እንዲፈጥሩ ያደርጋቸዋል” ብለዋል፡፡ 
ተማሪዎቹ በህሙማን ላይ ለሚፈጥሯቸው ችግሮች በዋነኝነት የሚጠቀሱት የዕውቀትና ልምድ ማነስ፣ ሁሉንም ነገር የማወቅ ጉጉትና ችኩልነት እንዲሁም በስልጠና ወቅት ተማሪዎችን በመከታተል ችግር እንዳይፈጥሩ የሚቆጣጠር አካል አለመኖር እንደሆኑ የገለፁልን በጥቁር አንበሳ ሆስፒታል የጠቅላላ ህክምና ባለሙያ የሆኑት ዶክተር ዳዊት አለባቸው ናቸው፡፡ ተለማማጅ ተማሪዎቹ በህሙማኑ ላይ ያላቸው የማዘዝ መብትና ስልጣን እስከ ምን ድረስ እንደሆነ በግልፅ የሚታወቅ ባለመሆኑና ስህተት ከመፈፀሙ በፊት እነርሱን ተከታትሎ የሚመልስ ባለሙያ አብሮአቸው የሚመደብበት አሰራር ባለመኖሩ፣ ህሙማን ላይ ጉዳት ሲያደርሱ ማየቱ የተለመደ ጉዳይ ነው” ብለዋል - ሃኪሙ፡
በቅዱስ ጳውሎስ ሆስፒታል የህክምና ባለሙያ የሆኑና ስማቸው እንዲገለፅ ያልፈለጉ ሌላ አስተያየት ሰጪ በበኩላቸው፤ ችግሩ በስፋት የሚታይና የተለመደ ቢሆንም እርምት ለመውሰድ የሚችል አካል አለመኖሩ ሁልጊዜም የሚያሳስባቸው ጉዳይ እንደሆነ ገልፀውልናል፡፡ በእነዚህ ተለማማጅ ተማሪዎች ጉዳት ደረሰብን የሚሉ ህሙማንን በምን መልኩ መቀበልና ማስተናገድ እንደሚቻል ግራ እንደሚገባቸውም ነግረውናል፡፡ “እንኳንስ ተለማማጅ የጤና ባለሙያ ቀርቶ በህክምና ሙያ ረዘም ያሉ ጊዜያት የሰሩ የጤና ባለሙያዎች በህክምና ላይ በሚፈጥሯቸው ስህተቶች የሚደርሱ ጉዳቶችን ለመፍታት የሚችልና በባለሙያዎቹ ላይ እርምጃ የሚወስድ አካል በሌለበት የጤና ስርዓት ውስጥ የተለማማጅ ተማሪዎቹ የሚፈጥሯቸውን ስህተቶችና ጉዳቶች እንዴት መፍታት እንደሚቻል ግራ ያጋባል” ብለዋል፡፡
ለዚህ መፍትሔ ይሆናል ብለው የሚያስቡት የጤና ጥበቃ ሚኒስቴርም ሆነ ከጤናው ጋር ተያያዥ የሆኑ ጉዳዮች የሚመለከታቸው አካላት በጤና አገልግሎት አሰጣጡ ላይ ጠበቅ ያለ ደንብ ማውጣትና ተለማማጅ ተማሪዎች የሚመሩበት መመሪያ በማውጣት ተግባራዊ ማድረግ ይጠበቅባቸዋል  ይላሉ ባለሙያው፡፡ 

Who are Members of the Election Board that Perform TPLF’s Dirty Job?

After virtual disappearance since the end of the ‘historic election’ of 2010 in which TPLF won 99.6 % of parliamentary seats, the National Election Board has once again resurfaced in the last few weeks in a bid to carry out the dirty job assigned to it by the TPLF for the upcoming general election.

by Muse Abebe

This time the Board resumed its client role by accusing Andinet and AEUP parties for violation of party rules in relation to the election of party leaders. It is an irony that the Board is attempting to enforce rule of law while it is an organ that willfully permitted the daylight robbery of the votes of millions of voters by TPLF in the last four general elections.

Election Board is getting ready to carry out its dirty job

The role of the Election Board that aimed at rectifying violations of procedural rules within the opposition party’s structures has been assigned to it by TPLF security apparatus for achieving two objectives. Primarily, the TPLF security apparatus instructed the Election Board to magnify the internal problems within the opposition parties so that the public may perceive them as weak and dysfunctional. The consideration of TPLF for such propaganda is that after the people watched all the divisions and disagreements in the opposition camp on government and party controlled media, the public will resort to support TPLF led regime. The other related motive of TPLF for instructing the Election Board to ‘advise’ opposition parties to resolve their internal problems is to appear to the public that TPLF is committed to multi-party democracy while the opposition parties are not ready to be competitors of TPLF. There are also clear indications that TPLF is financing and facilitating the dissenting groups from Andinet and AEUP conduct general meetings and get access to the media.

Those of us who have been closely observing the racist and mischievous political maneuvering in the last many decades, such dirty tricks of TPLF are quite familiar. What is not obvious is as to who in the Election Board are responsible for collaborating with TPLF to kill the hopes of millions of Ethiopians to witness competitive elections that ensures democratic transition in the country. The Ethiopian people and freedom lovers need to know who these TPLF clients are and what role each of them plays in carrying out the dirty job. When the appointed time for freedom comes and rule of the law reigns in the country, these individuals will be held accountable for the criminal activities they committed in name of overseeing and conducting elections in the country.

The Election Board consists of the Board and the Secretariat. The current Board consists of nine individuals who were nominated by the late Prime Minster and whose nomination was approved by the parliament. The members have different roles in the Board. Few of the members play a significant role in the unfolding drama orchestrated by TPLF while most of them have nominal and marginal roles. The first four individuals mentioned in the list known to have close connections with the TPLF power base and responsible for making major decision in the Board while the role of the other members is marginal and supportive. The other members not only approve the decisions supported by the four prominent members but also they do not regularly attend meetings.

1. Merga Bekana (Chairman): Dr. Merga was born in 1957 in Horo Gudru of East Wellega zone. Dr. Merga has been a university lecturer for over 25 years at the Addis Ababa University Veterinary School. TPLF identified the opportunist and submissive nature of the person to serve its purpose. He accepted the nomination to the position at the Election Board in view of being relived from the teaching duty and receiving additional financial benefits. During the last ten years of his chairmanship of the Board, he has never been engaged in any serious teaching or research activities. He has now established a very close relations with high TPLF and OPDO officials. He receives instructions from security and party apparatus in the form of advises during informal face to face and telephone discussions. He is very committed to execute any instruction given to him by the TPLF inner circle. TPLF is masterful in identifying individuals such as Merga who have high academic ranks while lacking the integrity commensurate to their social status. Dr. Merga is the most important figure assigned by TPLF next to Dr. Addisu Gebre-Egziabher, who plays the ‘Tako’ role in manipulating Dr Merga.

Five Oromo refugees die on the Sudanese-Libyan border

Report by Boruu Barraaqaa | January 18, 2015

According to a close source, five Oromo refugees have reportedly died and other wounded after they just crossed the border into Libya. The report did not identify the exact date and time of the accident, but CONFIRMED that it happened over the last week.

More than half a dozen Oromo refugees were carried on the BACK of an old Toyota pickup owned by human traffickers when the accident happened. The car was heading from Khartoum to Tripoli, crossing the dangerous Sahara Desert with the haphazard fast speed.

Dunguje Itana (taken from her Facebook PROFILE)

The reason that caused the accident was also said to be driving with the highest speed in attempt to escape from the border POLICE.

The source identified Dunguje Itana, a sister of Feven Itana, the famous Afan Oromo spiritual (Christian) singer, was one of the victims. Dunguje, who was a businesswoman and had her own house in Finfinne had gotten her house demolished by government forces UNDER the pretext of ‘illegally built house,’ said the report.

She was left with no compensation for her demolished house; moreover, she had previously experienced prolonged persecutions by government militias in Finfinne over allegations of being an OLF SUPPORTER, the report added.

According to one of her CLOSE friends, it was this political reason that forced her to flee to Khartoum, however, the city has never been a safe place for thousands of Oromo refugees like Dunguje from across Oromia.

It is estimated that, in 2014 alone, more than 5000 Oromo refugees left Sudan for Egypt and Libya, LOOKING FOR safe places and better lives. Among them,

ከፍተኛ የኢ.ህ.አ.ዴ.ግ ጀኔራሎች ስርዓቱ በላያቸው ላይ የሚፈፀመውን ተግባር በመቃወም ወደ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስተር ደብዳቤ መላካቸው ተገለፀ፣

ከመከላከያ እስታፍ አፈትልኮ የደረሰን መረጃ እንደሚያመለክተው በከፍተኛው የመከላከያ ሰራዊት እርከን ሲሰሩ የቆዩ ከፍተኛ መኮነኖች ሌተናል ጀኔራል አበባው ታደሰ፥ ሌተናል ጀኔራል ሰዓረ መኮነን፥ ሜጀር ጀኔራል ሞላ ሃይለማሪያም፥ በስልጣን ላይ ያለው መንግስት በላያቸው ላይ እየፈፀመው ያለውን ተግባር ትክክል አይደለም በማለት በዚህ ሳምንት ወደ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስተር ሃይለማሪያም ደሳለኝ የቅሬታ ደብዳቤ እንደፃፉ ለማወቅ ተችሏል፣

በግላቸው ከፃፏቸው ደብዳቤዎች የተወሰኑትን ለመጥቀስ አበባው ታደሰ ለምን በዚህ አገባብ ከተባረርኩ የጡረታ መብቴ ለምን አይከበርልኝም የሚል ሲሆን ሰዓረ መኮነን ደግሞ ከዚህ ቀደም ከነበርኩበት የስራ ቦታ ለምን ተነሳሁ መመለስ አለብኝ አሁን ባለሁበት የስራ ቦታ ላይ በነፃነት መስራት አልቻልኩም የሚሉና ሌሎችም የሚገኙበት ሲሆን፤ ሞላ ሃይለማሪያም በበኩሉም እኔ ምን አጥፍቼ ነው እያሰራችሁ የምታሰቃዩኝ የሚል ቅሬታ የያዘ ደብዳብቤ እንደሆነ ታውቋል፣

ሃይለማሪያም ደሳለኝ በወገኑ እኔ የህይወት ታሪካችሁን አላውቅም በማለት አባይ ፀሃየንና በረከት ስምዖንን ጠርቶ ባቀረቡት አቤቱታ ጉዳይ እንደተወያዩ የገለፀው መረጃው፤ አንዳንዶቹ ፖለቲካዊ እንቅስቃሴያቸው ስለተበላሸ መባረራችሁ የግድ ነው

Ethiopia Sentences Three Britons to Jail on Terrorism Charges

By William Davison January 15, 2015

An Ethiopian court sentenced three British citizens to prison after finding them guilty of trying to establish Islamic rule in the country through acts of “terrorism,” according to a Justice Ministry official.

Ali Adorus was sentenced to 4 1/2 years in Ethiopian prison, while Somalia-born Mohammed Ahmed and Ahmed Elmi were each given jail terms of four years and eight months, Fekadu Tsega, coordinator of the federal center of prosecution, said by phone yesterday from the capital, Addis Ababa.

“They were accused of trying to unconstitutionally change the government and introduce Islamic government inEthiopia by terrorism,” he said.

Ethiopia, where Christianity dates to about the fourth century and is followed by about 60 percent of the country’s 94 million people, sent troops three years ago into Somalia to help African Union peacekeepers battle al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabaab. The group has since 2006 been trying to overthrow the government in Somalia and impose Shariah, or Islamic law, there.

The militants have threatened to attack Ethiopia in revenge for its military presence in Somalia, as they’ve done in other troop-contributing nations, including Kenya and Uganda. Al-Shabaab carried out twin bombings in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, in 2010 that left more than 70 people dead and raided a shopping mall in the Kenyan capital of Nairobi in 2013, killing at least 67 civilians and security personnel.

Terrorism Charges

The three British men were charged with contravening the country’s 2009 anti-terrorism law, Fekadu said. The prosecution and defense have the right to appeal against the sentences. Donors such as the U.S. and theUnited Nations have said that Ethiopia’s 2009 anti-terrorism law is used to silence legitimate dissent from journalists, opposition politicians and other critics of the state.

The men formed a militia in 2006 and first entered Ethiopia in 2011, Fekadu said. The court found they had links with a Yemen-based section of the Oromo Liberation Front, a group banned in Ethiopia that’s fighting for more autonomy for the Oromo, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group.

Adorus, who was arrested in January 2013 in Ethiopia, signed a false confession under torture, according to Cage, a London-based justice group,

“Ali Adorus was brutally beaten, handcuffed behind his back for extended period of time, beaten on his hands with heavy wires, hooded, electrocuted and denied toilet access,” Cage said in a statement on its website, citing a UN petition. “Without legal assistance, the Londoner eventually signed a false confession in Amharic, a language he does not even speak.”

Mootummaan Abbaa Irree Wayyaanee, Uummanni Dirqamaan Kaardii Filannoo Akka Fudhatu Taasisaa Jira. Godina Lixa Shaggar Keessatti Ammoo Mana Uumataa Sakatta’uu fi Duula Hidhaa Eegaluu Qeerroon Gabaase.

Gabaasa Qeerroo Amajjii 12,2015

Mootummaan Wayyaanee filannoo fakkeessaa bara baraan gaggeessaa ture, ammas akkuma aadeffate uummanni kaardii filannoo dirqamee akka fudhatu taasisaa jira. Akka odeessa Oromiyaa bakkoota adda adda irraa nuqaqqabetti, uummanni Oromoo abdii filannoo sobaa mootummaa Wayyaanee irraa dhabeen ejjenoo kaardii filmaataa fudhachuu dhiisuu fudhataa jiruun kan hubate sirni abbaa hirree wayyaanee maloota garaagaraatti fayyadamuun uummanni dirqamee akka fudhatu taasisaa jiraachuu isaati.

Wayyaaneen maloota dirqamaan fudhachiisuu keessaas garee tokko shanee jedhuun akka fudhatan taasisuu fi kan hin fudhatiin hafe ammoo farra misoomaati jechuun gamanumaa uummata doorsisaa jiraachuuniis hubatameera. Uummanni Oromoo ejjennoo kaardii filmaataa fudhachuu dhibuu murteeffatees doorsisa sirna abbaa hirree Wayyaaneef akka hin jilbeeffannes ifatti mul’isaa jiraachuus odeessi qeerroo mirkaneessa.

Gama biraan haalota kanaan wal qabsiisee Mootummaan Wayyaaneen  Amajjii 11,2015 Godina Lixa Shaggaar Aanaa Amboo,Magaalaa Amboo fi Gudar irratti Mootummaan abbaa irree EPRDF/TPLF humnota tikaa isaa bobbaasuun Uummata goolaa jira; Duulli hidhaas itti fufee jira.
Haala kanaan guyyaa har’aa mootummaan Waayyaanee akkuma amala isaa magaalaa Amboo fi Naannoo Amboo irratti xiyyeeffaachuu humnota tikaa fi poolisoota Federaalaa bobbasuun mana galmaa uummataa sakkata’uu fi sabboontoota Oromoo doorsisuu fi ilmaan Oromoo nagaa hidhatti darbaa jiraachuun saaxilamee jira.
Aanaa Amboo Ganda Waddeessaa irraa ilmaan Oromoo nagaan qonnaan bultooti 4 Oromummaan yakkamanii hidhamuun bira ga’amee jira. Ilmaan Oromoo Oromummaan yakkamanii hidhaman kunneen:
1. Jifaaraa Caakkaa
2. Lachiisaa Caakkaa
3. Lataa Shukkaraa fi
4. Kumsaa Dirribii kanneen keessatti argaman ilmaan Oromoo nagaan keessa jiraachuu gabaasi Qeerroo addeessa.

ትንሽ ምስክርነት ስለ መረራ ጉዲና (ዶ/ር) (ቶፋ ቆሪቾ)

ከመሰንበቻዉ መረራ ጉዲና ከ25 ዓመታት በላይ ካስተማረበት ዩኒቨርሲቲ ተባረረ የሚለዉ አስገራሚና አስደንጋጭ ወሬ ከተዛመተ በኋላ አነጋጋሪነቱ ሞቅ ብሏል፡፡ (በጨዋታችን ላይ የማከብረዉ መምህሬ ስለሆነ አንተ እያልኩ ነዉ የምጠራዉ … እሱም ቢሆን አንቱታዉን ብዙም የሚፈለገዉ አይደለም … አዉቃለሁ)፡፡ በይፋ ከዩኒቨርሲቲዉ መሰናበቱን የሚያስረዳ ደብዳቤ እንደረሰዉ ባይገልጥም ነገሩ እሳት ካየዉ … ነዉ እና የምናዝን እናዝናለን፡፡

ዶ/ር መረራን ሳዉቀዉ

ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ መረራ የሚባል ኦሮሞ ኢትዮጵያዊ … በኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ዉስጥ ጎልቶ መዉጣት የጀመረዉ ይመስለኛል በ1992 ብሔራዊ ምርጫ ወቅት ነዉ፡፡ በዚያን ጊዜ የደመቀ ባይሆንም ጥቂት ፖለቲከኞች ገዢዉን ፓርቲ ሲሞገቱ የሚያሳይ የቅድመ ምርጫ ክርክር በቴሌቪዥን ይለቀለቅ ነበር፡፡ ያኔ ታድያ የብዙዎችን ቀልብ የሳበዉ በእኩልነት የምንኖርባትን አዲሲቱን ኢትዮጵያን በጋራ እንመስርት የሚል ጎልቶ የሚሰማ የአንድ የፖለቲካ ሳይንስ ምሑር ድምፅ ነበር፡፡ … ለእኩልነት፣ ለጋራ መብት መከበር፣ ለመቻቻል፣ ለጋራ ብልፅግና፣ ለሰላም፣ ለመጪዉ ትዉልድ አስበን በጋራ እንስራ የሚለዉ ጥሪዉን ሲያስተላልፍ ይታወሰኛል፡፡ በተለይ ሰማያዊ ቀለም ያለዉ ሙሉ ጅንስ አለባበሱን አረሳዉም፡፡ በጋራ እንስራና እንተባበር በሚለዉ የዘወትር ጥሪዎቹ ይህ ፖለቲከኛ አሁንም በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ዉስጥ በጉልህ ታሪኩን መፃፍ ቀጥሏል፡፡

በቴሌቪዥን መስኮት የማዉቀዉን ሰዉ ለመጀመርያ ጊዜ በአካል ያገኘሁት 1995 የሁለተኛ ዓመት የዩኒቨርስቲ ትምህርቴን ለመቀጠል በፖለቲካል ሳይንስና ኢንተርናሽናል ሬሌሽንስ ዲፓርትመንት በገባሁበት ወቅት ነበር፡፡ በወቅቱ ፖለቲካል ገቨርናንስ የሚል የትምህርት ያስተምረን ነበር፡፡ አስታዉሳለሁ በርካቶቻችን ክፈለ-ጊዜዉን በናፍቆትና በጉጉት እንከታተል እንደነበር፡፡ ዶ/ር መረራ በሌሎች መድረኮች ላይ እንደሚያሳየዉ ተጨዋችነትና አዝናኝነት በክፍል ዉስጥም ኮሚክ ነገሮችን ይናገራል፡፡ በዚህ ዘዴዉ ትምህርቶቹን ተወዳጅ ከማደረጉም በላይ በቀላሉ ለመረዳትና ከነባራዊ ሁነቶች ጋር ለማገናዘብ እንዲቻል አድርጎ የማስተማር ብቃት እዳለዉ ብዙዎቻችን እንመሰክርለታለን፡፡ ከሁሉ የማረሳዉ በየንግግሮቹ መጨረሻ ላይ “Generally” የሚለዉን ሲሆን ሁሉ ነገር ጀነራሊ ከሆነ እንዴት ነዉ ነገሩ ብለን ብንጠይቀዉ እየሳቀ ልምድ እንደሆነበትና እየሳቀ አባባሉን ከቁም ነገር እንዳይወሰድ ያሳስበን ነበር፡፡

ዶ/ር መረራን በክፍል ዉስጥና ከክፍል ዉጪ ስናዉቀዉ የተለየ ሰዉ ነዉ፡፡ በሌላ አነጋገር በክፍል ዉስጥ ሲያስተመር ፍፁም ሊባል በሚችል ሁናቴ ሚዛናዊና ገለልተኛ አቛሞችን ነዉ የሚያንፀባርቀዉ፡፡ የፖለቲካ እምነቱን እና አመለካከቱን በግድ ልጋታችሁ የሚል ስብእና እንደሌለዉ ወዳጆቹ ብቻ ሳንሆን ኢህዴጋዊ አቛማቸዉን በይፋ የገለጡ ተማሪ ጓደኞቻችን ጭምር ነበሩ የሚመሰክሩለት፡፡ የሚገርመዉ በ1997 የምርጫ ዋዜማ እንኳን ነገሮች ተሟሙቀዉ በተለይ ዶ/ር መረራ ሕብረት የሚባለዉን ጥምር ፓርቲ እየመራ ከቅንጅት ጋር ኢሕዴግን እንደዚያ ሲያንጰረጵረዉ፤ ዉጪ ባለዉ አቋሙ እያወቅነዉ ክፍል ዉስጥ በጉዳዩ ላይ አሰተያየት ለመስጠት እኳንን አለመፈለጉ (ብዙዎቻችን ወቅታዊ ፖለቲካዉን የተመለከቱ ጥያቄዎች እናነሳለት ነበር) የቱን ያህል ሞያዉን የሚያከበርና በአካዳሚክ ነፃነት የሚያምን መሆኑን ለማሳየቱ እንመሰክር ነበር፡፡

ከ1997 ምርጫ ግርግር በኋላ ለድህረ ምረቃ ትምህርት ተመልሼ ሳገኘዉም በቅንነት ከማስተማር በቀር በክፍል ዉስጥ ፓርቲያዊ የሆኑ ነገሮችን ላለማንሳት ሲጠነቀቅ አዉቀዋለሁ፡፡ ዶ/ር መረራ ቢሮዉ ለሁሉም ተማሪዎች ከፍት የሆነ ሲሆን ማንኛዉንም ጉዳይ ይዞ ሄዶ ምክር ለመጠየቅ የሚመችና ቤተሰባዊ መንፍስ ያለዉ ሰዉ ነዉ፡፡ ከሌሎች የዲፓርትመንቱ መምህራን በተለየ መልኩ ቢሮ ዉስጥ ሲቀመጥ በሩን አይዘጋም፡፡ ስለሆነም ማንም ሰዉ ቢሄድ በቀላሉ ሊያገኘዉና ሊያወየዉ እንደሚችል አዉቃለሁ፡፡ በአጠቃለይ እንደ አብዛኞቹ የቀድሞ የዩኒቨርሲቲዉ መምህራን ፊዉዳላዊ አመለካከት የሌለዉ ሰዉን በመተባበር የሚያምን ሰዉ ነዉ፡፡

ከእዉቀት አንፃር ካየነዉ በፍጹም የሚታማም አይደለም፡፡ ከብዙዎቹ የላቀ ሁለገብ የሆነ ችሎታና እወቀት ያለዉ ሰዉ ነዉ፡፡ ሲያስተምር፣ የጥናት ፁፎችን ሲያማክር፣ ሞያዊ አስተያየቶችን ሲሰጥ፣ እንዲሁም በተለያዩ መድረኮች ንግግር ሲያደርግ አፍ የሚያሰከፍት አይነት ነዉ፡፡ የትምህርት ክፍሉ አሉት ከሚባሉ የጠለቀ እዉቀትና የማስተማር ችሎታ ካለቸዉ የአንድ እጅ ጣት የማይሞሉ መምሀራን ግንባር ቀደሙ ነዉ ቢባል ማጋነን አይሆንም፡፡

ማን ይጎዳል?

አዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርሲቲ በብዙ መለኪያዎች ከነበረዉ ዝና፣ ክብርና ማእረግ ከጊዜ ወደ ጊዜ እየወረደ መምታት ብቻ ሳይሆን እየዘቀጠ እደሆነ ይነገራል፡፡ ይህ ጉዳይ የሚታየዉ ከአጠቃለዩ ሃገራዊ የትምህርት ጥራት መጓደልና የደረጃ ማሽቆልቆል ጋር ብቻ መሆን የለበትም፡፡ ይልቁንም የዩኒቨርሲቲዉ ዛሬ ባለበት ደረጃ ላይ መገኘት እንደ አንድ ቀደምት ሃገራዊ ተቋም መፈራረስና ሁለነተናዊ ዉድቀት ነዉ፡፡ ያን የመሰለ ታሪካዊና በርካታ ምሁራንን ለሃገሪቱ ያፈራ ተቋም ዛሬ ላይ በአለም ከፍተኛ ዝና ካላቸዉ የትመህርት ተቋማት ጋር መወዳደር ሲገባዉ በአፍሪካ ዉስጥ ካሉት ዩኒቨርሲቲዎች ጋር ሲነፃፀር እዚህ ግባ የሚባል ቦታ የለዉም፡፡ ይኼ ጉዳይ በዩኒቨርሲቲዉ ዉስጥ ላለፍን ሁሉ አንግት የሚስደፋ ጉዳይ ሆኖ ይገኛል፡፡ ለምን ኢትዮጵያ የራሷ የሆነ ብራንድ አይኖራትም ብለን ለምንጠይቅ ምላሹ ምን ይሆን?