Mr. Obama’s visit to Ethiopia sends the wrong message on democracy

By Editorial Board washingtonpost

“AFRICA DOESN’T need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.” Those were President Obama’s words when he addressed Ghana’s parliament in July 2009, during his first trip to sub-Saharan Africa as president. The historic speech, watched around the globe, was an optimistic clarion call to the leaders on the continent from the son of a Kenyan. “First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments,” Mr. Obama said.

President Obama

The president seems to have forgotten that speech. Last week, the White House announced that, while traveling to Kenya next month, Mr. Obama also will stop in Ethiopia, the first such visit by a sitting U.S. president to the country of 94 million. It’s almost unfathomable that he would make time for an entrenched human rights abuser such as Ethi­o­pia while cold-shouldering the nation that just witnessed a historic, peaceful, democratic change of power: Nigeria.

Administration officials justify the trip by citing the United States’ long-standing cooperation with Ethi­o­pia on issues of regional security and the country’s accelerating economic growth. Ethi­o­pia is a major recipient of U.S. development assistance, and the African Union has its headquarters there. But it also stands out in Africa for its increasingly harsh repression and its escalating chokehold on independent media and political dissent. Since June 2014, 34 journalists have been forced to flee the country, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. Ethi­o­pia is also one of the world’s leading jailers of journalists.

National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) Chairman
Prof. Merga Bekana

The administration already undermined Ethiopia’s struggling journalists and democracy advocates in April, when Undersecretary of State Wendy Sherman said Ethi­o­pia has “moved forward in strengthening its democracy. Every time there is an election, it gets better and better.” Shortly after her statement, the ruling party held an election in which it secured 100 percent of the parliamentary seats. That was indeed an improvement upon its 2010 performance, when it won 99.6 percent of seats. In the months ahead of the May 24 polls, opposition party members and leaders were harassed and arrested. The Ethiopian government refused to allow independent election observers, except from the African Union. Since the election, two opposition members and one candidate have been murdered. The government hasdenied any responsibility for the killings.

Meanwhile, Nigeria, the continent’s most populous nation and the one with the largest economy, overcame risks of electoral violence and Boko Haram’s terrorism to manage a peaceful transfer of power for the first time since the country’s return to democracy in 1999. With numerous African countries facing elections in the next two years, a visit to Nigeria would have signaled U.S. commitment to partnering with governments that respect freedom, the rule of law and the will of their people. Snubbing Nigeria for a trip to Ethi­o­pia sends the opposite message,

Alarm Bells for Ethiopia’s 100% Election Victory

when will TPLF's  allies open their eyes?

Elections where a ruling party wins 100 percent of the seats in parliament should always ring alarm bells. Results in Ethiopia from the May 24 general election, released yesterday, are no exception. According to Ethiopia’s National Electoral Board, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition won 546 parliamentary seats (with the 547th seat still to be announced).

The results shouldn’t be seen as a stamp of approval for Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn’s government – rather they are the inevitable outcome of a political system in which opposition parties face extraordinary challenges and nearly all avenues for citizens to engage in political debate are closed.

The seeds for this situation were sown years ago. Since the last election in 2010, in which the EPRDF won a mere 99.6 percent of parliamentary seats, political space has been further restricted: the independent media has been decimated, civil society groups virtually eliminated, and peaceful public demonstrations quelled, sometimes by force.

The crackdown on opposition parties and their supporters was the final piece of the puzzle. In the lead-up to the elections, the authorities arrested leading members of the opposition and put them on trial on trumped-up terrorism charges. Political parties reported difficulties in registering candidates and acquiring funds to which they are legally entitled. Security force personnel arrested and harassed people organizing rallies, confiscating their equipment and unfairly denying them permits. Over the last two weeks, several opposition members and candidates have been beaten to death in suspicious circumstances.

International observers were largely absent, choosing not to monitor a vote that provided little opportunity to be independent and effective observers. The African Union was the exception, concluding that the elections were “calm, peaceful, and credible” – a standard very different from being free and fair.

The European Union and the United States, two of Ethiopia’s key allies, were largely silent on the political crackdown. Instead, they congratulated Ethiopia for a “peaceful” election, more concerned with the increasing potential for violence than with a fair electoral landscape. This is short-sighted and dangerous. Authoritarian control rarely provides long-term stability and nearly always compounds significant human rights violations.

TPLF’s Sham, Fake and Scandalous Election Results

By Alemu Hurissa*

The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), led by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), has stolen democracy, money, votes and liberty from the Oromo people as they had done many times in the previous elections and they have done in the 2015 General Elections. As the Chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), Dr. Merera Gudina said, this “is not an election; it is an organized armed robbery.”

I also asked myself many times: why TPLF leaders, while they know 100% that there is no free and fair election, spend a huge sum of taxpayers’ money to hold fake and sham elections? Why not they give that taxpayers’ money back to the people who look for food at garbage dumps for daily subsistence? Or does their evil behavior not even allow this?!

TPLF’s Sham, Fake and Scandalous Election 

The Oromo people have been the most affected people by TPLF election results because they refuse to accept the fake results, and Oromo mothers have lost many brave and strong children. The Oromo youth refuses to accept the election results, not without reasons, because everything in connection with the electoral process – before, during and after the voting day – has been accompanied by fraud and violence. The Oromo people are thoroughly tired of getting their democracy, their money, their natural resources, their choices and their liberty stolen by a tyrannical government like EPRDF and its satellite party, OPDO.

The dictatorial regime of EPRDF has clearly and openly lied again for the fifth time as if they had carried out a free and fair election in Ethiopia on the 24th of May 2015, but everything that has happened in relation to the 2015 election is opposite to what EPRDF is claiming. This is not something new; it has been carried out many times before in order to use it as a means to beg money from Western countries – the money, which they usually use to crack down on the opposition’s members and supporters as well as to suppress other citizens. The ruling party lies again as if it has won the election in a democratic process while the fact is that it has snatched people’s votes by bullets. Harassment of the opposition’s observers, members and supporters before, during and after the election is evidence that the election has been accompanied by violence. Before, during and after the election, human rights activists, journalists, and the opposition’s members and supporters have been prosecuted. They have been subjected to raids, and they have been deprived of their properties, and eventually, arrested and imprisoned – and even some of them had been killed based on false accusations. They have been harassed, intimidated, imprisoned and killed for legally exercising their freedom of speech, and demanding for a free and fair election. The anti-terrorism law makes this easy. The authorities have used a variety of methods to intimidate activists and silence critics – from using fictional criminal charges to implementing repressive laws and bureaucratic rules in order to suppress the opposition’s members and supporters. Persecuting the opposition’s election observers, members and activists reinforces the impression that the government is prepared to ignore human rights and the opposition’s demand for a free and fair election to achieve its goals. The EPRDF government has severely curtailed Oromo activists’ freedom and freedom of expression, and its harassment and threats directed at civil societies stand as a grotesque contrast with the government’s claims that there is democracy in Ethiopia. TPLF has also continued killing and dismissing Oromo students from universities as a revenge after Oromo students had refused to vote for TPLF’s candidates in the fake and sham election in Ethiopia.

The Triangular Struggle for Freedom in Oromia

Fayyis Oromia*

As far as my hitherto understanding of our history is concerned, Oromia (Ethiopia), as also depicted in the Holy Book, is Cushland, which is located south of Egypt and now stretches from Meroe to Mombasa. I know that there is a controversy regarding this assertion for some scholars do claim that the Biblical Cush was located somewhere in Arabia. But, let me here take as a fact (operationally define) that Cushland is the land of those nations speaking Cushitic languages, i.e. the land which stretches in Africa from northeastern Sudan to southeastern Kenya. Then, we can see that current geographical Oromia is only part of this Cushland. We heard and read that Cushitic nations existed in eastern part of Africa, all sharing a common cultural heritage, since 8000 years ago. As linguistic evidences testify, the ancient Cushitic languages had been divided into four branches starting from 5,000 B.C., thus now the branches having their different linguistic and national identities. Some common positive values of the Cushites included their monotheistic faith system, in which they did believe in only one Supreme Being known as Waaqa by the Oromo, the faith system with no concept for Satan and Hell in order to punish a human being after death; their egalitarian social norm and democratic values like the Gadaa administration of the Oromo; their tendency to cultivate harmony, love and peace as major social values; as well as their good tradition regarding peaceful transfer of power as practiced in the Gadaa democracy. But, as recorded in historical process of the region, Cush peoples in the northern part of Oromia (like the Agew) had already started to accept language, aristocratic rule, theocratic tradition and other values of the Middle East, including personal namings in both their aristocracy and theocracy. NB: Oromia = formerly Ethiopia, as defined here:http://finfinnetribune.com/Gadaa/2014/12/fayyis-oromia-why-not-the-union-state-of-oromia-as-an-optimal-solution-for-the-majority-at-the-center/, is a union in which the following five points (FADOB-score) will be implemented: F = Freedom from the system of domination; A = Afan Oromo as a primary language of the union; D = Democracy as the rule of the game in the union; O = Oromia instead of Ethiopia as the name of the union; and B = Black-red-white as the Cushitic flag of the union!

“coming together is the beginning, keeping together is a progress and working together is a success.” 

 Before the beginning of the domination by the Axum empire (in today’s Tigrai and Eritrea), inhabitants of the area were believed to be mostly Cushites; that is why also the Axum civilization is said to be part of the Cush civilization. The so called Solomonic dynasty in the Axum empire is actually taken by some scholars as the dynasty of the Agew, who accepted values of aristocracy and theocracy, including the creation of Ge-ez language (a combination of Agew, original Hebrew and ancient Yemenite Hebrew languages). This dynasty was believed to have been later taken over by the explicit Cushitic dynasty of the Zagwe. The same trend seems to have had happened latter in Hankoo-bar of Dirree-Saawwaa (Shoa), where the Cushitic Oromo used to live. Also the Solomonic dynasties in Saawwaa and Gondar were considered by some writers as the dynasties of these native Oromos. The ruling class of this dynasty created its own language – “Lisane-Nigus” (Amharinya), around the year 1270 from the combination of Afan Oromo, Ge-ez/Tigrinya and Agewinya. The Chrisitian kingdom is said to have controlled only about 1000SqKm around Hankoo-bar in the 14th century, being surrounded by the Oromo, but it gradually expanded its territory to include all the present Amhara part of North Saawwaa and beyond that extended up to the Indian Ocean. In the 16th century, after the Oromo defense forces successfully protected their nation from attacks by both the Ottoman Turks and the Portuguese (time when all the foreigners were driven out and since when Oromia was considered to be isolated), this same Oromo dynasty continued to rule in Gondar till the rise of the warlord Atse Theodros, who started to defeat the Oromo dynasty for the first time, being supported by the Europeans. The negative impacts of the northern elites’ rule on the affected part of the Cush nations did include the forceful conversion of peoples to Judaism and Orthodox-Christianity; authoritarian tradition terrorizing the non-Abyssinian neighbors; autocracy and dictatorship replacing their democratic tradition; intrigues as well as inculcating of war as their motto for keeping power; and taking over of power from each other by using means of murder and violence. These negative impacts were to some extent checked by the Oromo till the rise of Atse Theodros in the mid-nineteenth century. The first victim of the Abyssinian domination was the Cushitic Agew nation; it was then followed by the victimization of the Oromo in the northern part of Oromo region. Some history writers think that Cush peoples were physically pushed from the north to the south, but I think they were rather more influenced, both culturally and linguistically, than only being pushed physically. The military and political moves of Theodros and Yohannes IV as well as that of Minilik and Haile-Sillasie were then the further attempts of subjugating the Oromo and the other nations in the southern part of Oromia. At last, Minilik and Gobanaa together succeeded in invading the Oromo and other Cushitic and Nilotic nations of the southern region.

When we look at the recent history of the Oromo, this nation can be regarded as part and parcel of both the dominating polity and the dominated public in history of the existing Oromia. The kings from Ye-Kunoo-Amlak to Haile-Sillasie Guddisa, most of them originating from Saawwaa Oromo, were the classical examples. The move of the Oromo in self-defense against both the Europeans and the Ottoman Turks during the sixteenth century war in the Horn, including the rule by Oromo kings in Gondar dynasty; the ruling Oromo federalists of Ejjuu Oromo from Ras Ali-I to Ras Ali-II during the so called “Zemene Mesafint” (Era of the Princes); the contribution of Tewabech (daughter of Ras Ali-II from Oromo origin), the wife of AtseTheodros, for the success of her husband; the contribution of Itege Taayitu Bitul (the Ejjuu Oromo lady) in coordinating the moves of both Minilik and Gobanaa during invasion of the Oromo region and during the Adwa war against Italian colonizers; the contribution of Oromo Generals in consolidating “Oromian unity” and the mysterious death of Gobanaa; the rejection of Lij Iyassu (a Muslim Oromo) by the European Christian Kings and his premature death being accused as a Muslim; the role of the Oromo Generals like Qusee Dinagde to consolidate Haile-Sillasie’s rule; the role of Oromo Generals like Jagamaa Keello in defending Haile-Sillasie from the coup attempt by the Neway brothers; the participation of the other Oromo Generals like Tsigee Dibuu in this same coup attempt; the role of Oromo patriots like Abune Phexros, Abebe Aregay and Belay Zeleqe in defendingOromia from the fascist Italy during the Second World War; the heroic deeds of Abdissa Aaga in Italy; the role of Oromo revolutionaries like Walellign Mekonen, Haile Fida, Baaroo Tumsa, Senay Likke, Dabalaa Dhinsaa, Mengistu Haile-Mariam and Teferi Bantii to topple the last monarchy; the coup attempt by the Oromo Generals like Merid Nugusee, Demise Bulto and Amha Desta against the brutal Derg; the “last minute” attempt of General Tesfaye Gebre-Kidan and Tesfaye Dinqaa (both being Oromo) to save Oromia from disintegration during the fall of Derg; the role of OLF in bringing down the Derg rule; the main opposition against Woyane since 1991, which is mainly from the Oromo nation; and even the fact that the prominent unitarist leaders in the present opposition camp, being from Oromo roots, etc – all these do show the involvement of Oromo elites in both the northern elites’ domination process and in the defense of the oppressed nations against this same process.

Today, the domination process is going on under the influence of the tyrant Woyane regime. We know that some of the oppressed nations in the present geographical area of Oromia have developed their own distinctive languages, identities and ways of life to deserve their own free nation-states. Their amalgamation within a unitary state by disregarding their right to national self-determination was not, is not and will not be, as such constructive. Just disregarding the possible unitary state advocated by the northern elites, it is interesting that we can now observe, for example, the Oromo people are the most tolerant in the region and allow “others” to live among them in comparison to nations in the north. Let’s look at the relatively very few presence of the Gurage, who tend to move to all corners of the country for the sake of making business, in the northern region, in comparison to what they do enjoy all over Oromo region and in southern regions. It is this tolerance of the Oromo, which invites these “others” to work with the Oromo people against all the injustices now taking place in the whole Oromia. The ongoing resistance against the current tyranny, which is perpetrated by the rulers of the northern elites from Tigrai, needs such an all-inclusive alliance in a form of both the liberation struggle and the democratization process. Here we need to see the importance of the “two against one” phenomenon, especially in the triangular struggle of Amhara elites, Tegaru elites and Oromo elites for either domination or liberation of their respective nation. To make this phenomenon of freedom practical, the Oromo liberation forces, in our policy, should consider to liberate, not only the Oromo people, but also all oppressed nations in the country – which are still the victims of the negative impacts of the northern domination process. Our move in the future should be liberation move from the status quo of tyranny — through a genuine federation (national autonomy for each nation) — and through national freedom (independence of each nation-state) — towards confederation (union of free nations) in the Horn. Surely again, it is the Oromo liberation movement which can be the main factor for the coming demise of the current Tigrean tyrannical regime, that is why the present regime is more brutal on the Oromo. The northern rulers should be compelled to move toward this concept of the confederation, and they should stop the ongoing subjugation of the oppressed peoples under their rule.

Thus, the self-determination of all oppressed nations in the country must be part of the Oromo liberation movement, which wants to foster a new Cushitic Oromia, even though there are some minor non-Cushitic nations also living in the area. Such renaissance of the Cush nations in the region must be the true Oromian renaissance in contrast to the further northern domination going on under the rule of the TPLF; Oromian renaissance is now wrongly described to be the same as a further northern domination like what is going on now. The genuine Oromian renaissance is the reversing of the negative northern domination. The liberation of oppressed nations from this negative impact should be accompanied by the necessary liberation movement. In this regard, especially during the last one and half century, there was the struggle between the elites of the two northern nations (the Amhara and Tegaru elites) and others, including the Oromo, either for domination or for liberation. Except the short break during the rule by the Tigrai warlord Atse Yohannes IV, the elites from the Amhara nation (including the Amharanized Oromo) dominated for more than a century. But the elites of all dominated nations, specially those of the Oromo and the Tegaru, fought together against this Amhara elites’ domination. The feasible approach in the liberation struggle was and still is the optimal use of this “triangular struggle” in Oromia. Here, the fact that at least three forces (Amhara, Tegaru and Oromo) are fighting against each other for either domination or liberation is unique. Such triangular struggle needs a wisdom in knowing and using the possible alliances of the “two against one.” Till 1991, there had been no confusion; the Oromo liberation forces and the Tigrean “liberation” forces had formal or informal alliances against the dominating and ruling Amhara elites. From 1991 till 2006, there was a confusion for the Amhara opposition forces and the Oromo liberation forces could not trust each other to foster an alliance against the now dominating Tigrean elites. The Tigrean ruling elites successfully divided and polarized the Amhara patriotic forces and the Oromo liberation fronts; these two couldn’t foster an alliance of the “two against one.” One of the methods applied by the ruling Tigrean elites is acknowledging Amharinya as the only federal language and denying Afan Oromo the same status. With this manipulation, the Tigrean elites could make the Oromo feel as if we are still dominated by the Amhara elites and manipulated the Amhara elites to sense as if they are still the privileged ones in Oromia.

Waa’ee Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa Kana Beektuu Laata?

Seenaa Abdissa 

Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa Adoolessa 5, bara 1956 Lixa Shaggar magaalaa Tokkee Kuttaayeetti dhalatanii guddatan. Ijoolummaa isaanii irraa jalqabee Waan isaaniif hin galle cimsanii Gaafachuu fi Waan sammuun isaanii hin fudhanne hunda Mormuu isaanii irraan kan ka’e Maatii isaanii fi namoota naannoo biratti maqaa masoo (nickname) “Didaa” jedhamuun beekamu. Oromoota muraasa yeroo sana Carraa barnootaa argatan keessaa tokko yoo ta’an Barnoota sadarkaa 1ffaa achuma magaalaa Tokkee Kuttaayeetti Barnoota sadarkaa 2ffaa immoo Magaalaa Ambootti haala gaariin hordofuu dhaan Qabxii Olaanaa galmeessisanii Yunversiitii Finfinnee seenuu dhaan barnoota Saayinsii Siyaasaa hordofuu jalqaban. Haa ta’u malee Carraan Hidhamuu, dararamuu fi Ajjeefamuu Barattoota Oromoo irra ga’aa turee fi ga’aa jiru Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa irras ga’uu dhaan Mootummaan Dargii badii tokko malee Mooraa barnootaa keessaa qabuu dhaan waggaa torbaa Oliif mana hidhaa keessatti isaan darare. Bara Jireenya isaanii keessatti Abdii kutatanii kan hin beekne Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa waggaa torbaa Oliif badii tokko malee mana hidhaa keessatti dararamanii erga ba’anii Booda gara Kaayiroo (Misira)tti Imaluu dhaan barnoota addaan kutan itti fufanii Yunversiitii Kaayiroo irraa barnoota Saayinsii Siyaasaatiin Digirii Jalqabaa Fudhatan.

Barnootaaf bakka guddaa kan qaban Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa barnoota isaanii itti fufuu dhaan bara 2002 yunversiitii Guddichaa fi Beekamaa ta’e Yunversiitii Nitherland irraa barnoota Saayinsii Siyaasaatiin Dooktarummaa fudhatan.

Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa bara 1986 Barsiisummaa dhaan Yunversiitii Finfinnee keessatti tajaajiluu kan jalqaban yoo ta’u qabsoo Oromoo biyya keessaa bifa bittinnaa’een adeemsifamaa ture daandii qabsiisuu dhaaf bara 1996 paartii Koongirensii Biyyolessa Oromoo hundeessuu dhaan qabsoo uummata Oromoof daandii haaraa banan. Sochii dinqisiisaa fi fudhatamaa ta’e uummata Oromoo waliin taasisuu dhaanis filannoo bara 2005 irratti hojii guddaa dalaguu dhaan uummata irraa Jaalalaa fi Amantaa guddaa argatan. Sababa kanaanis Oromiyaa bakka hedduu keessatti Injifatanii mana maree Federaalaa (Paarlaama­a) seenuu dhaan Mirgi uummata Oromoo akka kabajamuuf cimsanii Falmaa turan.

Haa ta’u malee Nama dhugaaf falmuu fi uummata biratti fudhatama argate balleessuu dhaaf rafee kan hin bulle Mootummaan Wayyaanee Miseensota garaa isaanii guuttachuuf Koongirensii Biyyolessa Oromoo keessa seenan kanneen akka Tolasaa Tesfaayeett qarshii muraasa hiixachuu dhaan daandii godhatee shira hin jirre paartii kana keessatti uumuu dhaan hundeessaa fi Falmataa dhugaa paartii kanaa kan ta’e Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa taphaa ala gochuu dhaan Paartiin uummata Oromoo biratti jaallatamee fi Abdatame Paartiin Biyyoolessa Oromoo warra abbaa garaaf dabarfamee laatame. Afuuftichi Tolasaa Tasfaayee akka hooganuufis Aangoon kijibaa ni laatame!

Sochii yeroo mara godhan keessatti Haala rakkisaa kam keessattuu Abdii kutatanii kan hin beekne Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa ammas adeemsa isaanii itti fufuu dhaan bara 2008/2009 paartii Hayyuu Diinagdee Obbo Bulchaa Dammaqsaatiin hundeeffame paartii Warraaqsa Federaalistii Dimokiraatawaa Oromoo (WFDO) waliin walitti makamuu dhaan Koongirensii Federaalawaa Oromoo (KFO, OFC) bifa haaraan Hundeessanii qabsoo isaanii itti fufan. Paartii kana qabachuu dhaanis uummata keenyatti gadi bu’anii qabsoo rincicee ture dhoosuu dhaan uummata Dammaqsanii Diina hirriba dhawwan. Filannoo guyyoota Muraasa dura adeemsifame irrattis Sagaleen isaanii hattootaan Hatamus Oromiyaa guutuu naanna’uu dhaan uummata keenya Dammaqsanii qabsoon Oromoo sadarkaa tokko fuulduratti akka tarkaanfatuuf Hojiin isaan dalagan yoom iyyuu kan dagatamu miti!

What Being an Oromo Means to Me

By Abdisa Amanuel*

An identity crisis of sorts is what you can call the shifts that have been made during the past couple of years. What does it mean for me to be Oromo? How do I feel about being Oromo? How does this identity fit into the life I had before coming into this blogging site, and the life that I wish to lead afterwards? These have been difficult questions that I have been wrestling with over the past couple of weeks, especially in light of all that has happened in our country.

For the majority of my life, I had never really identified with being an Oromo, although the way I act said something different. I have always been an Oromo, but I have never “been Oromo.” I talked differently, played differently, and was just overall different. This is what the world saw of me. But there was also the internal struggle of believing the stereotypes that have always been perpetrated against the Oromo people: we are always late; we like cultural food; every Oromo person speaks only for Oromo. And then, the even more negative ones: Oromo men are dangerous. I began to really believe this, and in turn, affected the way that I looked at my Oromo brothers and sisters. It also meant that, for most of my aware life, I spent most of it trying to assimilate to Habesha’s culture. Whether it meant in the way that I dressed or the way I show my culture, I never wanted to accept actually being an Oromo.

What I have learned in the past couple of years is that I belong to a culture of people who are strong. I belong to a culture of people who fight for what they believe in. I belong to a culture of people who believe in equal rights for not only just Oromos, but for all. I belong to a culture of people that God has ordained to be great in His name. Being an Oromo means to me that I have the opportunity to create change and use my voice for the people. Being Oromo to me means that I know that we, as a people, are important and that an injustice against some of my people is an injustice against me, whether I know them personally or not.

People often associate Oromo identity with secessionisim, but that’s not always true. Some Oromo people do support independence, but others want to build a new Ethiopia, one that reflects the diversity and complex history of the country, and allows our people more political power. We’re accused of being divisive just by identifying as Oromo, but we can’t erase our identity, history or our memories of oppression within the Ethiopian state. Ethiopia is a multi-cultural and multi-ethnic country, so we have to be open to the multiple possibilities of what being from Ethiopia might entail. No single group of people can maintain a monopoly on that.

How does it change things for me? How does this fit into my life? It changes my heart for justice, which has become exponentially more present in the past couple of months than ever before. It changes how I view the world that I live in. It changes what the word solidarity means for me. Because, if I am called for a heart of justice, because God calls for justice, then I must be able to walk along side those who are hurting because it must be hurting me, too. This change in identity has not been easy and has been probably the hardest transformation that I think I have had to go through. The realization that maybe the past 12–13 years of my life, I may have been wrong about almost all of the preconceived notions that I had about my own nation, hurts for the most part. As a community, our house

Anaaf Galaaneen Finfinneedha

Gammadaa Olaanaa

Walleen akeektuu seenaa taate wallisaa jaallatamaa Haacaaluu Hundeessaa “Malaan Jiraa” jedhe hojjete kiliipiin dabaale ummataaf dhiyeesse jira. Wallee kana keessatti jechoonni ‘Laal galootoo,’ ‘Galanee tiyyaa’ jedhanii galanee faarsan dhimma Finfinnee keesumaa ammo karoora Maastar Pilaanii magaalaa Finfinnee waliin wal qabata jedheen amana. Kilipiin wallee kanaas aadaa ummata nannawaa Finfinnee jiraatanii ifaati kan mul’isuuufi kiliipii makaa hin qabne ykn xaa’oo faranjii fi Habashaa hin qabne (organic) jedhu namootni bayyeen sababiin isaa haala uffata aadaa, haala shubbisaa fi jiruufi jireenya ummaticha haalan kan mul’isuudha kanaafis direekteeri kilipiichaa Amansiisaa Ifaas galata dacha qaba.

Waliisaan kun Kaaseta lama guutuu gabaarra kan olchee yoo ta’uu kaaseta isaa jalqabaan “Sanyii Mootii” jedhuu keessatti sirboota aadaa, dudhaa, afaaniifi seenaa Oromoo callaqisiisan hedduu nama dalagee jaalala fi beekamtii olaanaa ummata irraa horateedha. Haacaaluun dargeessa Oromoo aartii Oromoo bakka tureerra fuudhe gama sadarkaa addunyaan irra geeserra dhaqabsisuuf hojjechaa jiruudha. Akkuma beekamuu wallisaan kun sirboota aadaa Oromoo irratti xiyyeefatee waan hojjetuuf sirboota aadaa inni dalagu hundumtu sadarkaa isaanii kan eegateefi jiruufi jireenya hawaasichaa ifaati kan mul’isuudha.

Haacaaluun kaseeta isaa lammafaa “Waa’ee Keenya” jedhu keessattiis walleelee gurratti mi’awanii fi aadaa Oromoo daran calaqisiisan qabatee dhiyaateera. Wallee kannen keessa “Oromiyaa Maaltu Gad Dhiisa” walleen jedhu mirga Oromoon abbaa biyyumaa isaa irratti qabu ifaati kan mul’iseedha. Kana malees walleen kun waan jireenya ummata Oromoo irratti fulduraatti dhufuufi akka carraas diddaan gabrummaa kun bakka inni jalqabu nannoo Amboo ta’uu illee eeruun isaa mormii baratootta Oromoo dhimma Maastar Pilaanii Finfinnee waliin wal qabatee uumameen dhugaati kan mul’ateedha. Akkuma beekamu bara 2014 mootummaan barattoota Oromoo mormii Maastar Pilaanii Finfinnee waliin walqabatee ka’een guutummaa Oromiyaa keessatti mormiin bal’aan ka’uus kan magaala Amboo addatti cimee kan olba’ee fi baratootni hedduun kan du’an, gariin ammo hidhaafi dararaan guddaan irra ga’uu isaa dhugaa namni hunduu beekudha. Haacaaluun wallee isaa kana keessatti ‘Amboo keessaa loolaa qaata Shagar ga’e mataanii’ jedhuus diddaa yeroo sana deema ture dursee kan akeeke fi waan ummata keenya irratti fulduraaf ta’uuf deemu sirritti agarsiiseedha. Walleelen isaa kanneen akka ‘Kan sii dinquu’, ‘Mixiin Walqabatee laga ceeti’, ‘Anaan anaan’ jedhaniis dhimmoota hawaasummaa, bilisummaa fi rakkoolee godaansa Oromoo irratti mul’atan lafa kaa’a. Keesummaa ammo walleen ‘Anaan anaan’ jedhu dhiyeenya kana lammilee keenya biyyoota adda addaa keessatti dararaan, dutii fi akka bineensaa qalamuun irraa ga’aa tureef dursee kan akeeke ta’uun isaa ifagaleessa.

“Maalan Jira” jechi kun ammoo wallee haarawaa torbaan darbee keessa wallisaa Haacaaluu argaa dhageetti ummataaf baaseedha. Ani gama kootiin walleen kun mootii sirboota Afaan Oromoo hundaaf ta’uu danda’u jedheen amana akkasumaas Haacaaluun dargaggeessa Oromoo ijaa fi gurraa Oromoo ta’e waan ta’uuf deemu ummaticha hubachiisuuf ka’e fi goota bara keenyaatiin jedha. Dhimmi guddan wallee kana mootii taasiisu waan hedduudha isaan keessaa, qabiyyee isaa, originaalummaan suursagalee isaa fi ergaa guddaan achi keessatti mul’atu dinqiidha.

Xinxaaliin koo wallee haarawaa kun ‘Maalan jira’ jedhu waan hubannoo gaafatu natti fakkata sababiin isaa namooni gariin waanuma intala ‘Galanee’ jedhamtu qofaaf sirbame se’a malee dhimmi biroo itti hin mul’atu, kaan ammoo kiliipiin isaa bayyee nama gammachiisa jedhe duddubata. Mee ammamoo ilaalcha xinxaalii koon isiinif himuun barbaada kuniis mirga kooti Haacaaluun keessaa hin qabu. Anaaf Galaneen Finfinnee fi nannawaa isheeti akkuma beekamu seenaa Oromoo keessatti Finfinneen handhuura Oromiyaa akka taatee fi jarraa tokko dura sirna bulguu mootummaa minilikiin erga cabee booda aadaa, afaan, seenaa, dudhaafi amantaa ummatni kun adeemsisaa ture hundi hafee har’a sadarkaa argaa jiru irra ga’ee jira. Finfinnee halagoomtee, Finfinnee ilmaan ishee dhibdee ormaaf haadha taate, Finfinnee, afaan ishee gatee afaan ormaan laaqamte, Finfinnee maqaa ofii dagatee maqaa diinaa firoomfate akkasumaas nannoo isheelee dabarsitee harka alagaati kennuf cidha qopheesite taatee jirti.

Ummata Oromoo handhuura Oromiyaa keessa jiran keessa gosti Maccaa fi Tuulamaa isaan tokko akkasumaas gosoota Tuulamaa keessaa ammo gosti, Abichuu, Galaan, Yaayyaa, Gulalee, fi Bachoo fa’a isaan muraasa. Yeroo Finfinneen cabuu eegalte irraa kaasee gosti Tuulama Yaayyaa, Gulalee fi Abichuu guutummaa guututi cabeera jechuun ni danda’ama. Wallee Haacaaluu kana keessatiis walaloon:

‘Gulaleen kan Tufaa,
‘Gaara Abbichuuti turii,
‘Galaan Finfinnee Marsee’

jedhuus gosa Oromoo Gulallee, Abichuu fi Galaan sana nu yaadachisuuf kan seene jedheen amana. Haaluma kanaan nutti Oromoon walirraa hin faagannuu jaaratu nu faageesse jechuunis Habashoota ilmaan gabroomfataatu addan nu baase jehuudha. ‘Sooretti haadha soree’ toori jedhuus qabeenyaa Oromiyaa fi Finfinnee mul’isuuf kan seenedha akkasumaas amma garuu sun hundumtuu hafuu isaa agarsiisa.

Yeroo ammaa kana duula lafa Oromoo saamuu fi buqqisuun wal qabatee Oromoon hedduun lafa isaa dhabee rakkina hanga kana jedhamee ibsuun hin danda’amne irra ga’aa jira. Ummatni hedduun lafa isaa irraa buqqa’ee bakka lafa qotatee nyaatuufi horii isaa tikfatu dhabaa jiraachuun, hojii guyyaa hojjetee maatii isaa soorun beekamadha. Yeroo amma kana haala bayyee nama gadisiisuun Oromoon hojii guyyaa sanayyuu dhabee ummatootni nannoo Kibbarraa dhufaan guutumatti Finfinneefi nannoo ishee weeraruun isaanii waan ajaa’ibati. Walaloo isaa keessatiis ‘Suluuta Loon hin Tiksuu darabatti galcheera’ keessatti Suluultaan magaalota nannawaa Finfinnetti argamaniifi lafti isaanii irraa fuudhame fi karoora qindawaa Maastar Pilaanii Finfinneefi nannawaa isheetis saamichi itti fufuuf karoorfame waan ta’eef sanuma akkeekuufi jedhen yaada. Walaloodhuma kana keessatiis suuraan yeroo dabaalamuus loon guyyaadhan moonaa keessatti ittisamanii bakka marga dheedadan dhaban argina.

ETHIOPIA SPYMASTER INFILTRATES KENYA POLICE

"The unit has specific detail to trail their eyes on Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the 
Oganden National Liberation Front (ONLF).

Last week, the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) wrote to President Uhuru 

Kenyatta expressing its deep concern regarding the safety of four Oromo refugees from Ethiopia 

who were arbitrarily arrested by Kenyan anti-terrorist squad from Isili area in Nairobi on different 

dates of operations and taken to unknown destinations.

According documents in our possession,  Mr. Tumsa Roba Katiso, (UNHCR attestation 

File#: NETH033036/1) was arrested by people claiming to by a team of Kenyan police, 
who arrived at  the scene in two vehicles, on February 1, 2014 at around 10:00 AM from 2nd
 Avenue Eastleigh Nairobi on his way home from shopping. The other three refugees, 
Mr. Chala Abdalla, Mr. Namme Abdalla, and the third person whose name is not 
known yet were picked up from their home which is located in the same vicinity."

By Kasembeli Albert

Anxiety has gripped the Kenyan corridors of power and the National Police Service
Commission  (NPSC) after  it emerged that Ethiopian National Intelligence and
Security Service (NISS) has infiltrated the Kenya police  service and established a
unit within, which pays allegiance to NISS and executes orders from Addis Ababa.

Security pundits consider this an act of treason on the part of Kenya police
 officers involved.Despite notification from the Kenya spy-master – National Security
 Intelligence Services (NSIS), sources intimated to The Sunday Express that nothing
had been done to avert the lurking threat to the national security by such infiltration
by a foreign agency.“This guys are operating with impunity as though they are no
longer officers of the National police Service,” said a senior police officer at Vigilance
House.When contacted the Inspector General, David Kimaiyo denied knowledge
of such a unit operating under his arm bit. “Am not aware of that. In fact am hearing
 it from you,” said Kimaiyo.Though officials at the Ethiopian Embassy in Nairobi
declined to comment on the matter only referring as to Addis Abba, our sources
within the embassy divulged that 50 polices officers are on the pay roll of the

 Ethiopia Government.

David Kimaiyo, Kenyan Inspector General of Police.

The officers under the command of senior police officer based in Nairobi received a total
monthly payment of 900,000 Ethiopia Birr (KSh4.5 million) monthly minus the allowances
 and money meant to facilitate specific operations. The officers are said to live a lavish life
 and are accessible to top of the range cars.Even as Ethiopia appears to be using the old
spying system. Questions are emerging as to why the government has never taken stern
measures against officers involved including charging them with treason because it is clear
espionage.Security analyst Simiyu Werunga attributes this to poor pay and deplorable
working conditions, leaving the officers more vulnerable to corruption and bribery.
“The government should take a stern action against the suspects for having taken part in
 criminal activities against their country even after taking an oath,” he said.It is worth noting
that NISS is a very powerful and dreaded organ of Ethiopia’s totalitarian government. It is
 to protect national security by providing quality intelligence and reliable security
services. Under the plans presented, it is accountable to the Prime Minister.
The agency has a wide permit to lead intelligence and security work both inside and
outside Ethiopia.“The unit specifically compiles intelligence reports as to specifics
missions as requests made by Addis,” said asource privy to operations of the unit.
The unit too specifically monitors the operations of Ethiopian dissidents and refugees
living in Kenya.The unit is also said to be responsible for kidnappings of Ethiopian
refuges and dissidents and their subsequent repatriation to Addis Ababa where they
 face death, brutality and long prison sentences. The unit has specific detail to trail their
eyes on Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Oganden National Liberation Front (ONLF).
Last week, two police officers appeared in court charged with alleged abduction of two ONLF
leaders in Nairobi.On January 26, two top officials of ONLF were abducted from outside
a popular restaurant in Upper Hill, Nairobi.The two who were identified as Mr Sulub Ahmed
and Ali Hussein were members of the ONLF negotiation team that was in Nairobi for
 a proposed third round of talks.It is claimed security agencies from Ethiopia and
Kenya were involved in the kidnapping. They were abducted by men who were in
three waiting cars. One of the cars, a black Toyota Prado was seized and detained
 at the Turbi police station on Monday but the two were missing amid speculation
they had been taken across to Ethiopia. The ONLF officials were invited by the
Kenyan government for peace negotiations.The two officers charged, a Chief Inspector
 Painito Bera Ng’ang’ai and Constable James Ngaparini are attached to Nairobi Area
 CID. He added the officers had been identified by witnesses as having participated in the
abduction of Mr Sulub Ahmed and Ali Hussein who were members of the ONLF
negotiation team that was in Nairobi for a proposed third round of talks.Last week,
the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) wrote to